Martin Luther King Jr. during the decade preceding his emergence as a national figure. This 1000-page effort, which won the Pulitzer Prize as well as the National Book Critics Circle Award for General Nonfiction, profiles the key players & events that helped shape the American social landscape following WWII but before the civil-rights movement of the 60s reached its climax. Branch then goes a step further, endeavoring to explain how the struggles evolved as they did by probing the influences of the main actors while discussing the manner in which events conspired to create fertile ground for change. Also analyzing the beginnings of black self-consciousness, this book maps the structure of segregation & bigotry in America between '54 & '63. The author considers the constantly changing behavior of those in Washington with regard to the injustice of offical racism operating in many states at this time.Forerunner: Vernon Johns Rockefeller and Ebenezer Niebuhr and the Pool TablesFirst Trombone The Montgomery Bus BoycottA Taste of the World The Quickening Shades of PoliticsA Pawn of HistoryThe Kennedy TransitionBaptism on Wheels The Summer of Freedom RidesMoses in McComb, King in Kansas City Almost Christmas in Albany Hoover's Triangle and King's MachineThe Fireman's Last Reprieve The Fall of Ole MissTo Birmingham Greenwood and Birmingham JailThe Children's Miracle Firestorm The March on Washington Crossing Over: Nightmares and Dreams

    Herman and Noam Chomsky show that, contrary to the usual image of the news media as cantankerous, obstinate, and ubiquitous in their search for truth and defense of justice, in their actual practice they defend the economic, social, and political agendas of the privileged groups that dominate domestic society, the state, and the global order.Based on a series of case studies—including the media’s dichotomous treatment of “worthy” versus “unworthy” victims, “legitimizing” and “meaningless” Third World elections, and devastating critiques of media coverage of the U.S. wars against Indochina—Herman and Chomsky draw on decades of criticism and research to propose a Propaganda Model to explain the media’s behavior and performance. Their new introduction updates the Propaganda Model and the earlier case studies, and it discusses several other applications. These include the manner in which the media covered the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement and subsequent Mexican financial meltdown of 1994-1995, the media’s handling of the protests against the World Trade Organization, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund in 1999 and 2000, and the media’s treatment of the chemical industry and its regulation. What emerges from this work is a powerful assessment of how propagandistic the U.S. mass media are, how they systematically fail to live up to their self-image as providers of the kind of information that people need to make sense of the world, and how we can understand their function in a radically new way.

    He labels as the "fatal conceit" the idea that "man is able to shape the world around him according to his wishes.""The achievement of The Fatal Conceit is that it freshly shows why socialism must be refuted rather than merely dismissed—then refutes it again."—David R. Henderson, Fortune."Fascinating. . . . The energy and precision with which Mr. Hayek sweeps away his opposition is impressive."—Edward H. Crane, Wall Street JournalF. A. Hayek is considered a pioneer in monetary theory, the preeminent proponent of the libertarian philosophy, and the ideological mentor of the Reagan and Thatcher "revolutions."

    The leader of the Burkina Faso revolution recounts how peasants and workers in this West African country began confronting hunger, illiteracy, and economic backwardness prior to the 1987 coup in which Sankara was murdered.

    He argued that there are only two possible archetypes in economic affairs: socialism and capitalism. All systems are combinations of those two types. The capitalist model he defines as pure protection of private property, free association, and exchange — no exceptions. All deviations from that ideal are species of socialism, with public ownership and interference with trade.Within the structure of socialism, he distinguishes between left and right versions. "Conservative" socialism favors high regulation, behavioral controls, protectionism, and nationalism. The "liberal" version tends more toward outright public ownership and redistribution.The consequences of socialism vary based on their degree and kind, but they have similarities: high costs, resource waste, low growth.This treatise has long been out of print, but is now available again for use in comparative-systems classes and for an orientation to the theory of economic systems. The theoretical apparatus is Rothbardian to the core, and its main contribution is to provide an organizing principle for understanding the structure of real-world economies as measured against pure types.A tour de force.To search for Mises Institute titles, enter a keyword and LvMI (short for Ludwig von Mises Institute); e.g., Depression LvMI

    Ched Myers has produced a commentary that is potentially as revolutionary as the very gospel account it portrays." — Sojorners"Myers has produced a commanding and coherent political commentary on the Gospel of Mark, distinguished in its grasp of biblical and social scientific scholarship and amazing lucid in its style and argument... A cogent and venturesome biblical embodiment of liberation theology." — Norman K. Gottwald"Twenty years later Binding the Strong Man still has the ability to push its readers into a fresh new perspective on what it means to be in discipleship with the Human One who seeks to realize the Reign of God in our social, historical, spiritual, and political landscape." — Brian Blount, President, Union Theological Seminary"This book is a primary source used the Holy Spirit Among Us for the building of the Beloved Community of God on earth as it is heaven." — Ed Loring, The Open Door CommunitySince its publication in 1998, Binding the Strong Man has been widely recognized as a landmark in contemporary biblical criticism. Applying a multidisciplinary approach called "socio-literary method," Myers integrates literary criticism, socio-historical exegesis, and political hermeneutics in his investigation of Mark as a "manifesto of radical discipleship."

    The Collapse of Complex Societies, though written by an archaeologist, will therefore strike a chord throughout the social sciences. Any explanation of societal collapse carries lessons not just for the study of ancient societies, but for the members of all such societies in both the present and future. Dr. Tainter describes nearly two dozen cases of collapse and reviews more than 2000 years of explanations. He then develops a new and far-reaching theory that accounts for collapse among diverse kinds of societies, evaluating his model and clarifying the processes of disintegration by detailed studies of the Roman, Mayan and Chacoan collapses.

    Agents of Repression includes an incisive historical account of the FBI siege of Wounded Knee, and reveals the viciousness of COINTELPRO campaigns targeting the Black Liberation movement. The authors' new introduction examines the legacies of the Panthers and AIM, and shows how the FBI still presents a threat to those committed to fundamental social change.Ward Churchill is author of From a Native Son. Jim Vander Wall is co-author of The COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI's Secret Wars Against Dissent in the United States, with Ward Churchill.

    This is a seminal text in cultural theory and an essential pocket handbook for situationists wherever they may be.

    This Library of America volume—the most extensive and authoritative one-volume collection ever published—covers five decades of Washington’s astonishingly active life and brings together over 440 letters, orders, addresses, and other writings.Among the early writings included are the journal Washington kept at age sixteen while surveying the Shenandoah Valley frontier and the dramatic account of the winter journey he made through the Pennsylvania wilderness in 1753 while on a diplomatic mission. Some two dozen letters written during the French and Indian War, including first-hand accounts of the controversial forest skirmish that sparked those hostilities and of Braddock’s bloody defeat, record Washington’s early encounters with the harsh challenges of military command.An extensive selection of letters, orders, and addresses from the Revolutionary War make manifest Washington’s determined leadership of the Continental Army through the years of defeat and deprivation. Included are accounts of battles; letters to Congress and state governments vividly describing the army’s desperate need of supplies; Washington’s journal of the victorious Yorktown campaign; and letters and addresses showing how Washington upheld the supremacy of civil power in the new republic by peaceably disbanding the army at the end of the war.Letters from the Confederation period (1783–1789) show Washington’s pleasure at returning to his Mount Vernon home, his continued interest in Western land speculation and river navigation, his growing concern with the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation, and his role in the framing and ratification of the Constitution. The writings from his two terms as President of the United States show how Washington strove to establish enduring republican institutions, to build public trust in the new government, to avoid the divisions of party and faction, and to maintain American neutrality during the war between Britain and Revolutionary France. Also included in the volume are letters revealing his close and careful management of Mount Vernon and his evolving attitudes toward slavery.Washington’s writings demonstrate the keen, practical intelligence that distinguished his leadership in war and peace, as well as the patriotism, dignity, and devotion to the cause of republican government that won the admiration and trust of his contemporaries and his heirs.

    In Critique of Economic Reason, he offers his fullest account to date of the terminal crisis of a system where every activity and aspiration has been subjected to the rule of the market. By carefully delineating the existential and cultural limits of economic rationality, he emphasizes the urgent need to create a society which rejects the work ethic in favor of an emancipatory ethic of free time.At the heart of his alternative is an advocacy not of “full employment,” but of an equal distribution of the diminishing amount of necessary paid work. He presents a practical strategy for reducing the working week, and develops a radical version of a guaranteed wage for all. Above all, he argues that a utopian vision is now the only realistic proposal, and that “economic reason must be returned to its true—that is subordinate—place.”

    But paradoxically the faction-ridden Lebanese, both Christians and Muslims, have never shown a keener consciousness of common identity. How can this be? In the light of modern scholarship, a famous Lebanese writer and scholar examines the historical myths on which his country's warring communities have based their conflicting visions of the Lebanese nation. He shows that Lebanon cannot afford this divisiveness, that in order to develop and maintain a sense of political unity, it is necesary to distinuish fact from fiction and then build on what is real in the common experience of both groups.Salibi offers a major reinterpretation of Lebanese history and provides remarkable insights into the dynamic of Lebanon's recent conflict. In so doing, he illuminates important facets of his country's present and future. This book also gives a masterly account of how the imagined communities that underlie modern nationalism are created and will be of interest to students of international affairs as well as Near Eastern scholars.

    From the left it can often be seen as the exclusive property of ruling classes, and from the right as an arid and totalizing exception to their own common sense. For some, the concept now seems too ubiquitous to be meaningful; for others, too cohesive for a world of infinite difference. Here, in a book written for both newcomers to the topic and those already familiar with the debate, Terry Eagleton unravels the many different definitions of ideology, and explores the concept’s tortuous history from the Enlightenment to postmodernism.Ideology provides lucid interpretations of the thought of key Marxist thinkers and of others such as Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Freud and the various poststructuralists. As well as clarifying a notoriously confused topic, this new work by one of our most important contemporary critics is a controversial political intervention into current theoretical debates. It will be essential reading for students and teachers of literature and politics.

    Many of the pieces have never appeared in any other collection, some have never appeared in English, and more than one has been suppressed. This expanded edition contains fifty pages of brand new interviews.The interviews add a personal dimension to the full breadth of Chomsky’s impressive written canon—equally covering his analysis in linguistics, philosophy, and politics. This updated, annotated, fully indexed new edition contains an extensive bibliography, as well as an intro-duction by editor Carlos Otero on the relationship between Chomsky’s language and politics.Praise for previous edition:"For those who know [Chomsky] only as media analyst and critic of foreign policy, this wide-ranging book offers glimpses of his studies on language, anarchist theory, and critiques of radical politics."—NACLANoam Chomsky is a renowned scholar, the founder of the modern science of linguistics, a philosopher, a poli-tical and social analyst, a media critic, and author of more than one hundred books. Recipient of numerous prizes and awards, Chomsky ranks with Marx, Shakespeare and the Bible as one of the ten most quoted sources in the -humanities. His previous works include the best selling 9-11, and the critically acclaimed AK Audio Collection.Carlos Otero, who also edited Radical Priorities by Noam Chomsky, teaches linguistics at the University of California at Los Angeles.

    16 pages of photos.

    Williams destroys a number of prevailing social myths and explains why the nature of congressmen is not to act in the national interest.

    . . a generation of Central European Jewish intellectuals of an antiauthoritarian political orientation who left a considerable mark on 20th-century radical thought. . . . As Löwy’s subtle and profound book reminds us, their legacy is a rich one.”—American Historical Review

    foreign policy from a progressive viewpoint probes the underlying economic and political interests that shape foreign policy and addresses issues of U.S. Imperialism and the arms race.

    As the Soviets consolidated power in Eastern Europe, the CIA scrambled to gain the upper hand against new enemies worldwide. To this end, senior officials at the CIA, National Security Council, and other elements of the emerging US national security state turned to thousands of former Nazis, Waffen Secret Service, and Nazi collaborators for propaganda, psychological warfare, and military operations. Many new recruits were clearly responsible for the deaths of countless innocents as part of Adolph Hitler’s “Final Solution,” yet were whitewashed and claimed to be valuable intelligence assets. Unrepentant mass murderers were secretly accepted into the American fold, their crimes forgotten and forgiven with the willing complicity of the US government.Blowback is the first thorough, scholarly study of the US government’s extensive recruitment of Nazis and fascist collaborators right after the war. Although others have approached the topic since, Simpson’s book remains the essential starting point. The author demonstrates how this secret policy of collaboration only served to intensify the Cold War and has had lasting detrimental effects on the American government and society that endure to this day.

    Ridiculed by the press, denounced by the FBI, and harassed by the CIA, he was tormented by those who clung fast to the idea of Oswald as villain. With his career on the line, Garrison persisted in the allegations no one wanted to believe—that factions of our government were behind it all.This is Jim Garrison’s story, the only man to ever successfully bring a conspirator to trial. This is also the story of pervasive subterfuge, the Dallas Police Department’s outright lies and deceptions, the Warren Commission’s blind omissions of facts, and the mysterious deaths of key witnesses just before testimony. Now, Garrison unveils the vicious plot that duped a nation and takes us clue by clue through the greatest conspiracy and cover-up of our time—the assassination of JFK.

    Recently, advocates have applied these methods and strategies with great success in Serbia and Ukraine. In his most recent work, Dr. Sharp shows how to strategically plan nonviolent struggle and make it more effective. In Waging Nonviolent Struggle, Dr. Sharp documents 23 significant�and often successful�20th century nonviolent struggles in a range of cultural and political contexts, and reaffirms nonviolent action as a realistic and powerful alternative to both passivity and violence. Building on the power analysis of his seminal Politics of Nonviolent Action, Dr. Sharp coherently integrates his theories into praxis, with a vitality tested on the frontlines, often under extreme violence. Any serious student�or practitioner�of nonviolent struggle will find this book an invaluable resource. Skeptics will be compelled to seriously consider nonviolent action�s viability. Today�s world is in desperate need of realistic alternatives to violent conflict. Waging Nonviolent Struggle demonstrates that these alternatives exist.

    Nisbet criticizes Americans for isolationism at home, discusses the gutting of educational standards, the decay of education, the presence of government in all facets of life, the diminished connection to community, and the prominence of economic arrangements driving everyday life in America. This work is deeply indebted to the analyses of Tocqueville and Bryce regarding the threats that bureaucracy, centralization, and creeping conformity pose to liberty and individual independence in the western world. The Present Age relates a tragedy—the unprecedented militarization of American life in the decades after 1914, as the result of the necessary resistance to National Socialist and Communist totalitarianism that fed into and reinforced the profound tendencies toward centralization within modern society. Robert Nisbet (1913–1996), former professor of sociology at Columbia University, is the author of Sociology as an Art Form; The Social Philosophers; Prejudices: A Philosophical Dictionary; The Sociological Tradition; History of the Idea of Progress; and Twilight of Authority, also published by Liberty Fund.

    

    Then came the Iran-Contra scandal, and his once-charmed presidency began coming apart. This explosive book provides the first authoritative account of Reagan's second term White House--a book that is both a gripping narrative and a carefully documented investigation. 8-page photo insert.

    Interpreting totalitarian art and literature in the context of cultural history, this brilliant essay likens totalitarian aims to the modernists' demands that art should move from depicting to transforming the world. The revolutionaries of October 1917 promised to create a society that was not only more just and more economically stable but also more beautiful, and they intended that the entire life of the nation be completely subordinate to Communist party leaders commissioned to regulate, harmonize, and create a single "artistic" whole out of even the most minute details. What were the origins of this idea? And what were its artistic and literary ramifications? In addressing these issues, Groys questions the view that socialist realism was an "art for the masses." Groys argues instead that the "total art" proposed by Stalin and his followers was formulated by well-educated elites who had assimilated the experience of the avant-garde and been brought to socialist realism by the future-oriented logic of avant-garde thinking. After explaining the internal evolution of Stalinist art, Groys shows how socialist realism gradually disintegrated after Stalin's death. In an undecided and insecure Soviet culture, artists focused on restoring historical continuity or practicing "sots art," a term derived from the combined names of socialist realism (sotsrealizm) and pop art. Increasingly popular in the West, sots-artists incorporate the Stalin myth into world mythology and demonstrate its similarity to supposedly opposing myths.

    Hall's critical approach is elaborated here in essays on the formation of the SDP, inner city riots, the Falklands War and the signficance of Antonio Gramsci. He suggests that Thatcherism is skillfully employing the restless and individualistic dynamic of consumer capitalism to promote a swingeing programme of 'regressive modernization'.The Hard Road to Renewal is as concerned with elaborating a new politics for the Left as it is with the project of the Right. Hall insists that the Left can no longer trade on inherited politics and tradition. Socialists today must be as radical as modernity itself. Valuable pointers to a new politics are identified in the experience of feminism, the campaigns of the GLC and the world-wide response to Band Aid.

    Discussed are the legal precedents, court decisions, educational initiatives, political machinations, cultural ramifications, sociological consequences, and theological implications.

    Lutz challenges the prevailing notion that the United States Constitution was either essentially inherited from the British or simply invented by the Federalists in the summer of 1787. His political theory of constitutionalism acknowledges the contributions of the British and the Federalists. Lutz also asserts, however, that the U.S. Constitution derives in form and content from a tradition of American colonial characters and documents of political foundation that began a century and a half prior to 1787.Lutz builds his argument around a close textual analysis of such documents as the Mayflower Compact, the Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, the Rode Island Charter of 1663, the first state constitutions, the Declaration of Independence, and the Articles of Confederation. He shows that American Constitutionalism developed to a considerable degree from radical Protestant interpretations of the Judeo-Christian tradition that were first secularized into political compacts and then incorporated into constitutions and bills of rights. Over time, appropriations that enriched this tradition included aspects of English common law and English Whig theory. Lutz also looks at the influence of Montesquieu, Locke, Blackstone, and Hume. In addition, he details the importance of Americans' experiences and history to the political theory that produced the Constitution. By placing the Constitution within this broader constitutional system, Lutz demonstrates that the document is the culmination of a long process and must be understood within this context. His argument also offers a fresh view of current controversies over the Framers' intentions, the place of religion in American politics, and citizens' continuing role in the development of the constitutional tradition.

    Jacqueline Kasun, Ph.D. The idea that humanity is multiplying at a terrible and accelerating rate is one of the false dogmas of our times. From that notion springs the widely held belief that unless population growth is immediately contained by every governmental and private method imaginable, mankind faces imminent disaster. These ideas form the basis for an enormous international population-control industry that involves billions of dollars of taxes as well as the full time efforts of scores of private philanthropies. Embodied in their agenda is the sort of social planning that actually mandates draconian control over families, churches and other voluntary institutions around the globe. Point by point, Dr. Kasun shatters the dogmas of the controllers--tenets that simply fall apart under close scrutiny and comparison with a mountain of data that the controllers refuse to confront. This is a fascinating book, a tour de force effort to restore reality to a subject that has become unmoored by ideology. "An eye-opener. The material Kasun presents is invaluable for reference and it is provided in an accessible and readable form." - Julian L. Simon, from the Foreword "This book urgently needs to be read by citizens in general and by parents in particular. It carefully exposes two of the leading frauds of our time--the "overpopulation" hysteria and the false pretensae of "sex education". - Thomas Sowell, Author, A Conflict of Visions "One of the best kept secrets in the world is the evil nature of the population control movement. This is the best and most important book on the subject." - Charles E. Rice, Professor of Law, University of Notre Dame "Dr. Kasun's book is about much more than the `overpopulation' myth--for instance, the bare facts about `sex ed'. You will be amazed to know what your tax dollars are actually paying for. Get this book." - J.P. McFa

    Princeton's paperback edition of this award-winning book includes a new postscript by the author that responds to the book's noted critics, Stanley Hauerwas and the late Alan Donagan. In answering his critics, Jeffrey Stout clarifies the book's arguments and offers fresh reasons for resisting despair over the prospects of democratic discourse.

    Drawing upon his revolutionary concept of power as well as his critique of the institutions that organize social life, Foucault discusses literature, music, and the power of art while also examining concrete issues such as the Left in contemporary France, the social security system, the penal system, homosexuality, madness, and the Iranian Revolution.

    Conducted by the editors of El Diario newspaper.

    In this comprehensive and pathbreaking study, Lisa Tickner discusses and illustrates the suffragist use of spectacle—the design of banners, posters and postcards, the orchestration of mass demonstrations—in an unprecedented propaganda campaign.

    Rich with historical and cultural value, these works are published unaltered from the original University of Minnesota Press editions. The books offered through Minnesota Archive Editions are produced in limited quantities according to customer demand and are available through select distribution partners.

    Cuba's fanatical successor to Castro, he poses the ultimate threat to Soviet power — and American peace. Both countries want him dead. And while Soviet forces move to replace Duran with a political puppet, America formulates its own plan of action. A daring game of cross … double cross … and war … COUNTERSTRIKE Chillingly realistic, exciting, and powerful — this epic thriller brings to life an explosive clash of superpowers, battling for military control. Bestselling author Charles D. Taylor presents his newest and biggest blockbuster. A masterwork of suspense …

    Hardly a week went by without the city being in the news headlines. Financial crises, a unique house building programme, education reform, the Heysel Stadium tragedy, the Sam Bond Affair, the expulsion of Derek Hatton, Tony Mulhearn and others from the Labour Party, through to an 18 month court battle which ended in the surcharge and disqualification of 47 Labour councillors - all are covered in Liverpool - A City That Dared To Fight. Not only a commentary, this book is also a penetrating political analysis of the grown and development of Marxism in Britain, and particularly the role of Militant in Liverpool.

    Nixon to eventually being encouraged to make his own bid for the presidency

    The barbarity of the Nazis is well documented. Less well known are the events that preceeded Hitler's rise to power. Rob Sewell gives a picture of the tumultous events - the 1918 revolution, the collapse of the Kaiser's regime, the short- lived Bavarian Soviet Republic, the Kapp putsch in 1920, the French occupation of the Ruhr in 1923 and the ensuing revolutionary upheavals culminating in the abortive Hamburg uprising, finally Hitler's rise to power in 1929-33. Above all this book shows, in the decisive (and tragic) role of the German workers' leadership, the answer to one of the key questions of the modern era: how was it possible for the mightiest labour movement in Europe to be trampled under the iron heel of fascism?

    Based on an acclaimed PBS documentary, The Secret Government analyzes the threats to constitutional government posed by an illegitimate network of spies, profiteers, mercenaries, ex-generals, and "superpatriots".

    

    Lizius 1880 Speech of the condemned Louis Lingg 1880s Speech to Missionaries Red Jacket, Seneca leader 1880s An exchange Judge Roy Bean & Judged Beaner 1888 Voters Strike! Octave Mirbeau 1896 from Might is Right Ragnar Redbeard 1908 from Degeneration Max Nordau 1913 Manifesto of Lust Valentine de Saint-Point 1917 Anarcho-Futurist Manifesto A. L. and V. L. Gordin 1920 Iconoclasts, Forward! Renzo Novatore 1920 Literature and the Rest Philippe Soupault 1924 from The Anathema of Zos Austin Osman Spare 1925 General Security: The Liquidation of Opium Antonin Artaud 1929 I Wish You All Had One Neck Carl Panzram 1930s from The Eternal Youth Ralph Chubb 1937 from Bagatelles pour un Massacre Louis-Ferdinand Céline 1942 from Darkness Ezra Pound 1945 The Poets' Dishonor Benjamin Péret 1945 from Listen, Little Man Wilhelm Reich 1953 Formulary for a New Urbanism Ivan Chtcheglov 1963 Concerning New Year 1963 Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini 1960s Ball of the Freaks Anon. 1967 There is a Great Deal to be Silent About Emmett Grogan 1968 from SCUM Manifesto Valerie Solanas 1970 Plea for Courage Mel Lyman 1971 P. O. W. Statement Timothy Leary 1971 On Fear The Process Church 1970s Occupy the Brain! Carsten Regild & Rolf Börjlind 1971 from Never Again! Rabbi Meir Kahane mid 1970s Situationist Liberation Front Situationist International 1976 from The Invisibles Thibaut D'Amiens 1977 Misanthropia Anton Szandor La Vey 1979 The Anthropolitical Motivations Stanislav Szukalski 1981 The Correct Line Bob Black 1982 Investment in Survival Kurt Saxon 1983 The Roots of Modern Terror Gerry Reith 1983 from Meese Commission Report on Pornography Park Elliott Dietz, M. D. 1985 Reward of the Tender Flesh Ed Lawrence 1984 The Nine Secrets of Mind Poisoning at a Distance Kerry Wendell Thornley 1985 L'Revolucion Pour Neant Pascal Uni 1986 Sammy Prole Gets Tough John Crawford 1987 Population and AIDS Miss Ann Thropy (Earth First!) 1988 Out of the Magic of Venom: Creation Kathy Acker 1988 Intellectual S & M is the Fascism of the 80s Hakim Bey

    Eliot's poetry in which the author considers the works against a background of the social and political problems of prejudice. Eliot was writing at a time of great contradiction in thought; never has the accusation of prejudice been stronger, and yet never has there been so wide an agreement that no understanding of anything is possible without preconceptions. Christopher Ricks is author of "Milton's Grand Style", "Tennyson", "Keats and Embarrassment" and "The Force of Poetry".

    

    

    Minnesota Archive Editions uses digital technology to make long-unavailable books once again accessible, and are published unaltered from the original University of Minnesota Press editions. A series of writings by the man who inspired the students of the Workers' Rebellion in May of 1968. "Given the rapid pace of change in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and the radical nature of these transformations, the work of Cornelius Castoriadis, a consistent and radical critic of Soviet Marxism, gains renewed significance. . . . these volumes are instructive because they enable us to trace his rigorous engagement with the project of socialist construction from his break with Trotskyism to his final breach with Marxism . . . and would be read with profit by all those seeking to comprehend the historical originality of events in the USSR and Eastern Europe." –Contemporary Sociology

    

    This book, the firstsubstantial biography of Azad in English, charts his many contributions to the intellectual, political, and religious heritage of modern India, revealing important continuities in his life and thought.

    It also shows how a person's predisposition toward right-wing authoritariansim can be measured, and more.

    Brown's book is challenging, provocative and...original; it does force us to question the degree to which gender controls our politics.'-THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

    It also provides an analysis of present-day ministries. This edition has a new 10,000 word final chapter.

    Christian socialism: An informal history [Paperback]

    Yuri Volkov is appointed as Jarvis's controller and despises the weak man before him. Larry Gets is the senior CIA official who is tasked with finding the traitor in their midst.So begins a cat-and mouse game of danger and deception. And it's becoming clear that in order to win the game, Getz will have to bend the rules more than a little...

    Documenting a history of revolution that failed at the hands of its enemies on both the reformist left and reactionary right, this intelligent account covers all areas of the anarchist experience—from the spontaneous militias and the revolutionary collectives to the moral dilemmas occasioned by the clash of revolutionary ideals and the stark reality of the war effort. Passionately written and carefully indexed, this edition is the only in-depth English-language text available and converts the work into a usable tool for historians and anarchists alike. Volume 3 tells of the CNT's last push for the anarchist revolution in Spain and the crushing defeat of the wide-ranging activities of the CNT. An additional chapter, "The History of Spanish Anarchism in the English Language," is included.

    Describes the circumstances that led to a demonstration at Jackson State College and the shooting of two students by the police, and discusses the impact of the tragedy.

    

    

    Under her leadership the Conservatives won three general election victories in a row over a divided opposition and enjoyed a degree of political and ideological dominance that led many to speak of the end of the socialist era and the emergence of a new consensus. What Reagan had done in the United States, Margaret Thatcher had done in Britain. A new word--Thatcherism--had entered the political lexicon. Thatcherism came to signify a wide-ranging and distinctive political project aimed at promoting economic recovery and restoring the authority of the state. This second, revised and updated edition of The Free Economy and the Strong State explores the political and ideological roots of Thatcherism and its relationship to the Conservative tradition and to the economic liberal ideology of the New Right, as well as to the new political agenda which emerged from the advent of recession and the crisis of the world order in the 1970's. Andrew Gamble provides a clear and thorough account of the genesis of Thatcherism in opposition, its record in government and of the way it has been analyzed by the left and right. His book makes a major contribution to separating rhetoric from reality and understanding both the impact and the limits of Thatcherism in its bid to establish a new political hegemony and tackle Britain's economic decline.

    

    It regards political actors and institutions, and is concerned about the impact on democratic consolidation of economic constraints, weak states, judicial inefficacy and inequality.

    Wilder became the nation's highest ranking black elected official and a serious contender for governor, an office that no black anywhere has ever won.Now one of the journalist who covered the 1985 campaign tell the behind-the-scenes story of how Wilder pulled off his remarkable upset, a riveting tale of political intrigue and suspense. Whn Hell Froze Over offers a rare glimpse of how politics really works. It details for the first time friction between Wilder and Governor Charles Robb - how Wilder believed Robb and his allies were plotting to keep him off the ticket, how Robb believed Wilder's campaign was so hopelessly disorganized that he tried to get Wilder to dump his chief adviser in mid-campaign.It tells how fellow Democrats begged Wilder to get out of the campaign while one prominent Republican, disgusted with his own party, worked secretly to help Wilder.And it reveals how Wilder financed his campaign by using a secret fund-raising network to tap the wallets of Virginia's growing black middle class, a breakthrough with implications far beyond the Old Dominion.For Doug Wilder is the vanguard of a new generation of black politicians, branching out beyond black neighborhoods to seek white votes.this is the story of how he succeeded.

    In this first comprehensive history of the labor movement from Truman to Reagan, Kim Moody shows how the AFL-CIO’s conservative ideology of “business unionism” effectively disarmed unions in the face of a domestic right turn and an epochal shift to globalized production. Eschewing alliances with new social forces in favor of its old Cold War liaisons and illusory compacts with big business, the AFL-CIO under George Meany and Lane Kirkland has been forced to surrender many of its post-war gains.With extraordinary attention to the viewpoints of rank-and-file workers, Moody chronicles the major, but largely unreported, efforts of labor’s grassroots to find its way out of the crisis. In case studies of auto, steel, meatpacking and trucking, he traces the rise of “anti-concession” movements and in other case studies describes the formidable obstacles to the “organization of the unorganized” in the service sector. A detailed analysis of the Rainbow Coalition’s potential to unite labor with other progressive groups follows, together with a pathbreaking consideration of the possibilities of a new “labor internationalism.”

    Reveals the true intent of our "Founding Fathers" who designed by the Constitution to protect their property and ensure that the poorer majority would have no real voice in political affairs.

    

    This collection gathers together the works by John Adams in a single, convenient, high quality, and extremely low priced Kindle volume!AutobiographyA Defence Of The Constitutions Of GovernmentNotes Of Debates Diary: With Passages From An Autobiography Discourses On DavilaEssays And Controversial Papers Of The Revolution Essays On The Constitution Notes Of A Debate In The Senate Of The United States The Life Of John Adams Thoughts On Government Official Letters, Messages, And Public Papers (1777-1811)

    

    By examining the paradoxes and perplexities, The Struggle for Democracy provides a clear understanding of the origin and nature of democracy, including the extraordinary idea of citizenship, the tremendous achievement of free speech, and the enormous power placed in the hands of ordinary men and women.When it was first published in 1989, The Struggle for Democracy, and its attendant documentary series, were acclaimed as groundbreaking and marvelously engaging. Picking up where the first edition left off, this revised edition includes sixteen pages of full-colour photographs and commentary on such monumentally historic events as the destruction of the Berlin Wall, the infamous student demonstrations in Tiannamen Square, and the collapse of communism in the former Soviet Union. In an inspiring new introductory chapter, Patrick Watson reflects on the challenges facing world democracy as it enters the new millennium. In a new concluding chapter, Benjamin Barber examines the future of democracy and the impact that globalization and technology will have on both emerging and established democracies.

    But these struggles are set within a frame that supports some arguments and rules other possibilities out of contention. If late-modernity is a time of danger as well as significant achievement, it is necessary to ask: how can we become more reflective about the economies of thought that have governed modern political discourse? William Connolly clarifies the affinities binding together disparate theorists who have sought to comprehend the shape and prospects of modernity. He reveals how thinkers adamantly opposed to one another at one level implicitly share assumptions and demands at a more basic level; and invites Nietzsche - the thinker who disturbs modern theories by assessing them from the hypothetical perspective of a non-modern future - to expose patterns of insistence inside the theories of his predecessors.

    political culture is a brilliant analysis of the Iran-Contra scandal. Chomsky offers a message of hope, reminding us resistance is possible.

    The Shadows of Power: The Council on Foreign Relations and the American Decline by James Perloff 1988 (Paperback)Paperback: 264 pages Publisher: Western Islands (November 1, 1988) Language: English ISBN-10: 0882791346 ISBN-13: 978-0882791340 Product Dimensions: 8.4 x 5.5 x 0.7 inches Shipping Weight: 11.2 ounces

    Combining quantitative analysis and historical case studies to demonstrate the electoral effects of party policy, Gosta Esping-Andersen formulates a theory that is applicable not only to Scandinavia but to Western Europe as a whole. In addition, he explains why the support basis of social democracy has deteriorated so much more in Denmark than in Sweden and Norway.Originally published in 1985.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    This collection of readings provides an interpretation of the development of contemporary South Asia and covers India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

    Schmitz argues that the U.S. desire for order, interest in Open Door trade, and concern about left-wing revolution led American policymakers to welcome Mussolini's coming to power and to support fascism in Italy for most of the interwar period.Originally published in 1988.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

    Sorensen here offers a unified solution to a large family of philosophical puzzles and paradoxes through a study of blindspots: consistent propositions that cannot be rationally accepted by certain individuals even though they might by true.

    When the selfish townspeople of Hamelin refuse to pay the piper for spiriting away the hordes of rats that had plagued them, he exacts his revenge by luring away their greatest treasure, the children of the town.This version of Browning's poem, is illustrated and revised by Terry Small. He updated some of the Robert Browning's language. For example, Browning moved the town from Hamelin to the province of Brunswick; Small returns it to Hamelin. Browning's "bate a stiver" becomes "cut my price."Small's retelling of this medieval poem adds impact without changing the original flavor. Black-and-white illustrations.

    

    Why Scots Matters details the origins and history of the language, and discusses the influences and events which have shaped its use. Derrick McClure's work encompasses the differences between dialect and language, and the great works of literature written in Scots - Barbour's Bruce, James I's Kingis Quair, the superb poetry of Henryson and Dunbar, Lindsay's triumphal Ane Satire of the Thrie Estaitis and, of course, the work of Robert Burns and Hugh McDiarmid. The importance of Scots as a record of political and social change is also examined, as the influence of the Norse, English, French and the Gaels had an impact on Scots vocabulary as well as Scottish history. In conclusion, the author argues that the Scots language should be used and encouraged, not only because of its contribution to human achievement in the past, but because it is a unique mark of the distinctive identity of the Scottish people. J. Derrick McClure is Senior Lecturer in the Department of English at the University of Aberdeen.

    While maintaining their emphasis on the concept of cultural diversity as it relates to the law in the United States, new and updated chapters reflect recent relevant court cases bearing on culture, race, gender, and class, with particular attention paid to local and state court opinions. Drawing on court materials, statutes and codes, and legal ethnographies, the text analyzes the ongoing negotiations and accommodations via the mechanism of law between culturally different groups and the larger society. An important text for courses in American government, society and the law, cultural studies, and civil rights.

    

    Liberty Fund is proud to offer the most complete collection of Acton essays ever published.Volume I: Essays in the History of LibertyIncluded are his two famous essays on the history of freedom (“The History of Freedom in Antiquity” and “The History of Freedom in Christianity”) as are writings on the tradition of liberty in England, America, and Europe.Volume II: Essays in the Study and Writing of HistoryVolume II brings together Acton’s distinguished writings on history. Included is his famous Inaugural Lecture at Cambridge, “The Study of History.”Volume III: Essays in Religion, Politics, and MoralityIncluded are three important essays, “Human Sacrifice,” “George Eliot’s Life,” and “Buckle’s Philosophy of History.” Nearly two hundred pages of excerpts from Acton’s remarkable letters and unpublished notes are also included.J. Rufus Fears has taught classical history at Indiana University, Boston University, and the University of Oklahoma.

    In this close examination of the social and political thought of Marcus Tullius Cicero (106-43 B.C.), Neal Wood focuses on Cicero's conceptions of state and government, showing that he is the father of constitutionalism, the archetype of the politically conservative mind, and the first to reflect extensively on politics as an activity.

    That the Constitution stands as a safeguard of individual freedom, and the courts and the police are supposedly established to enforce the law. When a controversial issue arises in the American fabric, it is to be resolved not in the streets but through the democratic processes of elections. Yet, for blacks these liberal values have been turned into their opposites. The courts have most often stood silent in the face of racist violence or have turned their wrath against the victims, not the perpetrators; the police have protected the mob rather than the mobbed and have often either aided the lynchers or displayed amazing inability to identify them. Where race is concerned, legislative or judicial action to deal with controversial issues has often come late and been partial in nature, while white violence has continued to terrorize black Americans without hindrance. In White Violence and Black Response: From Reconstruction to Montgomery, Herbert Shapiro explores the depths of violence generated by white racism and the irony of the American association with violence as a behavior of black people. Citing the nation's political leadership, educational institutions, and news media as institutions that fail to educate Americans about the oppressive social conditions that have root in these criminal acts, Shapiro is able to expose the ways in which white supremacy operates within American institutions and the responses by black people in this powerful read.

    This Marxist polemic reviews the political and theoretical disputes inside the Fourth International, the international Marxist movement founded by Leon Trotsky in 1938, and gives a detailed objective assessment of the political contribution and evolution of James P. Cannon, Trotsky's most important cothinker in the US. Based on extensive research, with detailed references to original documents and programmatic statements from the archives of the Trotskyist movement..

    Much of it has been collected between the covers of this well-packed book. Since these pieces originally appeared in journals as wide-ranging as the TLS, Grand Street, Harper's, Mother Jones, The Nation & Spectator, only the most avid admirer would be likely to have come across them all. In addition to the predictable, eloquent Reagan-bashing, there are thoughtful essays on Paul Scott & his Raj Quartet, the contradictions of George Orwell, the Brideshead phenomenon, that very independent-minded Israeli Professor Israel Shahak, Conor Cruise O'Brien, even something as up-to-date as a perceptive review of Bonfire of the Vanities. Hitchens writes clearly, from a well-stocked mind, & is free of the cant that affects many political journalists. Why the kinds of views that he & his very kindred spirit Alexander Cockburn express so well never receive an airing on TV, where they'd reach a much wider audience, remains a source of shame to a supposedly free medium. In any case, book & magazine readers can feel fortunate that publishers suffer no such self-imposed restraints. -- Publishers Weekly

    Pub Date: 07 2005 Pages: 368 Publisher: Penguin Classics The first two volumes of O'Connor's autobiography AN ONLY CHILD is the entrancing story of an Irish childhood and a Youthful involvement in the Irish rebellion which leads to internment. In MY FATHER'S SON O'Connor is released after the Civil war to begin a turbulent career as a writer. sharing his life and loves in Dublin with characters as formidable as Yeats and Lennox Robinson.

    You may find it for free on the web. Purchase of the Kindle edition includes wireless delivery.

    Cahn points out, “the essence of his philosophical position: a commitment to a free society, critical intelligence, and the education required for their advance.”

    The prevailing sentiment is that family farms should survive for important social, ethical, and economics reasons. But will they? Possibly not, if current policies are not altered, say Marty Strange.This timely book exposes the biases in American farm policies that irrationally encourage expansion—a bias evident in federal commodity programs, income tax provisions, and subsidized credit services. The farm financial crisis of the 1980s is a result of this trend toward bigness. As family farms are transformed, they become more specialized, more capital-intensive, and less resilient to the inherently unstable conditions in agriculture. Financial risks are therefore greater, and public assistance to expanding farms is more frequent and costly.Family Farming also exposes internal conflicts, particularly the conflict between the private interests of individual farmers and the public interest in family farming as a whole. It challenges the assumption that bigger is better, critiques the technological base of modern agriculture, and calls for farming practices that are ethical, economical, and ecologically sound. The alternative policies discussed in this book could yet save the family farm. And the ways and means of saving it are argued here with special urgency.

    Here Nathan Glazer looks back at what went wrong, arguing that our social policies, although targeted effectively on some problems, ignored others that are equally important. Glazer's knowledge and judgment, distilled in this book, will be a source of advice and wisdom for citizens and policymakers alike.

    Successive essays ask: what ideological messages did American influence transmit to Europe after World War I, then again after World War II? Did Nazis and Italian fascists share an economic ideology or impose a unique economic system in the interwar period and during World War II? How do their accomplishments stack up comparatively against those of the liberal democracies? After 1945, what was the relationship between concepts of productivity and class division? How have the major experiences of twentieth-century inflation arisen out of class and interest-group rivalry? Most generally, what has been the representation of interests in capitalist political economies?

    Designed for courses in Public Finance, Public Economics, Public Sector Economics, and The Economics of Taxation, this text takes a public choice approach to public finance and looks at public policy as a product of the democratic decision-making process.

    Hardly a Glasgow voter for three generations did not have the opportunity of electing him to the city or national government he despised so much - and vowed to enter only on his own terms, if elected. But he never was elected, although he once stood simultaneously for 14 city wards. He claimed there was better company in Barlinnie (which he knew well) than in the Corridors of Power.Guy Alfred Aldred was born on November 5th, 1886, and died on 16th October 1963. He had just 10 pence in his pocket when he died. Born a Londoner, he settled in Glasgow in 1919, although he was well known in the city before then. He spoke and wrote many millions of words in his unending drive towards what he believed to be the liberation of mankind from economic and philosophical bondage. Boy-Preacher, Social Democrat, Prisoner of Conscience (repeatedly), Conscientious Objector, Anarcho-Communist, orator, writer, publishing - Guy Aldred never ceased struggling for those things in which he believed.

    This edition includes a tribute to the longtime political prisoner advocate the Reverend Seiichi Michael Yasutake, who passed away in 2001, and an introductory essay by Owusu Yaki Yakubu, “Toward Collective Effort and Common Vision: The International and Domestic Contexts of the Struggles of Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War Held in the U.S.”Can’t Jail the Spirit remains an important activist resource, as well as a useful reference for those working around political imprisonment and repression in the united states. A few of the prisoners listed have since been released, and tragically Richard Williams died in 2005. Yet - also sadly - the vast majority of those included in this edition are still behind bars today.

    The author explores the interaction of political ideology and academic social science in democratic and totalitarian regimes, the transformation of German conservatism by the experience of National Socialism, and the ways in which tension between former collaborators and former opponents of National Socialism continued to mold West German intellectual life in the postwar decades.

    Kirkpatrick as the United States Permanent Representative to the United Nations. The volumes feature all of the ambassador's UN and congressional testimonies, addresses, speeches and statements and a broad selection of speeches on international affairs and human rights. Together they present a lucid and comprehensive account of the position of one of America's most controversial UN representatives.Volume One is oriented around themes of democratic societies and undemocratic systems, human rights and political obligations. Kirkpatrick examines the nature and legitimacy of democracy and the illegitimate nature of undemocratic nations. She also offers poignant commentary on the presidential election of 1980 and what the Reagan phenomenon has meant to the United States and the West.Volume Two offers Kirkpatrick's formal remarks on nations and nation-building. She focuses on Grenada, Poland, Afghanistan, Nicaragua, and the Soviet Union. She provides a particularly trenchant analysis of Israel: the Camp David accords, the assault on Israel inside the United Nations, and on the Middle East in general. Essential reading for everyone interested in the policymaking arena, these volumes exemplify Kirkpatrick's articulate conceptual underpinning of present-day American foreign policy.These volumes, far from the usual government position papers, range widely and personally over the major international issues of our times. They are amplified in essays and articles written by Dr. Kirkpatrick for special occasions not related to specific UN work. In addition, the volumes contain crucial papers that were written after her resignation from the UN ambassadorship-and hence reflect Kirkpatrick's current interests and persuasions.

    

    The rise to economic supremacy of post-war Japan constitutes an enormous challenge to that western orthodoxy which posits an essentially unilinear process of modernisation from the seventeenth century to the present day in which national and regional diversity has been eroded by the gradual social convergence of the major industrial powers. How does a society of contrasting social and cultural traditions fit within this pattern? Can one sensibly speak of Japanese society as 'modern' when such usage is effectively defined by other, western, presuppositions? In this volume an international team of contributors assesses these questions and investigates the real impact of modernisation upon the Japanese themselves.

    Sochor here assesses one of the most important debates within the Bolshevik leadership during the early years of Soviet power-that between A. A. Bogdanov and V. I. Lenin. Once comrades-in-arms, Bogdanov and Lenin became political rivals prior to the October Revolution. Their disagreements over political and cultural issues led to a split in the Bolshevik Party, with Bogdanov spearheading the party's left-wing faction and attracting a following of notable intellectuals. Before Lenin died in 1924, however, he had succeeded in shaping Soviet society according to his own vision, and today Bolshevism is commonly identified with Leninism while Bogdanovism is little known. Sochor provides the first full exposition in English of Bogdanov's views, which, she asserts, must be understood to appreciate the choices available and the paths not taken during the formative years of the Soviet regime.

    The concepts of sovereignty, representation, liberty, virtue, republic, democracy--even constitution itself--were virtually recoined. Others, like federalism, were new inventions. Out of the vehement political arguments and debates of the period came not only a new Constitution but a new political vocabulary--a political idiom that was distinctly recognizably American.

    

    An amusing, thought-provoking collection of over 400 of President Reagan's jokes, stories, wisecracks, and impressively quick-witted responses to unexpected developments.