Herman and Noam Chomsky show that, contrary to the usual image of the news media as cantankerous, obstinate, and ubiquitous in their search for truth and defense of justice, in their actual practice they defend the economic, social, and political agendas of the privileged groups that dominate domestic society, the state, and the global order.Based on a series of case studies—including the media’s dichotomous treatment of “worthy” versus “unworthy” victims, “legitimizing” and “meaningless” Third World elections, and devastating critiques of media coverage of the U.S. wars against Indochina—Herman and Chomsky draw on decades of criticism and research to propose a Propaganda Model to explain the media’s behavior and performance. Their new introduction updates the Propaganda Model and the earlier case studies, and it discusses several other applications. These include the manner in which the media covered the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement and subsequent Mexican financial meltdown of 1994-1995, the media’s handling of the protests against the World Trade Organization, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund in 1999 and 2000, and the media’s treatment of the chemical industry and its regulation. What emerges from this work is a powerful assessment of how propagandistic the U.S. mass media are, how they systematically fail to live up to their self-image as providers of the kind of information that people need to make sense of the world, and how we can understand their function in a radically new way.

    In Critique of Economic Reason, he offers his fullest account to date of the terminal crisis of a system where every activity and aspiration has been subjected to the rule of the market. By carefully delineating the existential and cultural limits of economic rationality, he emphasizes the urgent need to create a society which rejects the work ethic in favor of an emancipatory ethic of free time.At the heart of his alternative is an advocacy not of “full employment,” but of an equal distribution of the diminishing amount of necessary paid work. He presents a practical strategy for reducing the working week, and develops a radical version of a guaranteed wage for all. Above all, he argues that a utopian vision is now the only realistic proposal, and that “economic reason must be returned to its true—that is subordinate—place.”

    Williams destroys a number of prevailing social myths and explains why the nature of congressmen is not to act in the national interest.

    Recently, advocates have applied these methods and strategies with great success in Serbia and Ukraine. In his most recent work, Dr. Sharp shows how to strategically plan nonviolent struggle and make it more effective. In Waging Nonviolent Struggle, Dr. Sharp documents 23 significant�and often successful�20th century nonviolent struggles in a range of cultural and political contexts, and reaffirms nonviolent action as a realistic and powerful alternative to both passivity and violence. Building on the power analysis of his seminal Politics of Nonviolent Action, Dr. Sharp coherently integrates his theories into praxis, with a vitality tested on the frontlines, often under extreme violence. Any serious student�or practitioner�of nonviolent struggle will find this book an invaluable resource. Skeptics will be compelled to seriously consider nonviolent action�s viability. Today�s world is in desperate need of realistic alternatives to violent conflict. Waging Nonviolent Struggle demonstrates that these alternatives exist.

    Lutz challenges the prevailing notion that the United States Constitution was either essentially inherited from the British or simply invented by the Federalists in the summer of 1787. His political theory of constitutionalism acknowledges the contributions of the British and the Federalists. Lutz also asserts, however, that the U.S. Constitution derives in form and content from a tradition of American colonial characters and documents of political foundation that began a century and a half prior to 1787.Lutz builds his argument around a close textual analysis of such documents as the Mayflower Compact, the Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, the Rode Island Charter of 1663, the first state constitutions, the Declaration of Independence, and the Articles of Confederation. He shows that American Constitutionalism developed to a considerable degree from radical Protestant interpretations of the Judeo-Christian tradition that were first secularized into political compacts and then incorporated into constitutions and bills of rights. Over time, appropriations that enriched this tradition included aspects of English common law and English Whig theory. Lutz also looks at the influence of Montesquieu, Locke, Blackstone, and Hume. In addition, he details the importance of Americans' experiences and history to the political theory that produced the Constitution. By placing the Constitution within this broader constitutional system, Lutz demonstrates that the document is the culmination of a long process and must be understood within this context. His argument also offers a fresh view of current controversies over the Framers' intentions, the place of religion in American politics, and citizens' continuing role in the development of the constitutional tradition.

    

    It regards political actors and institutions, and is concerned about the impact on democratic consolidation of economic constraints, weak states, judicial inefficacy and inequality.

    

    

    From the Ancients, Plato and Aristotle, to contemporary Americans, Rawls, Nozick and Barber, the book examines each thinker's conception of Human Nature, Political Society and Social Ethics. Extensive excerpts from the original writings and their relation to American political principles distinguish this valuable text.

    Drawing from numerous historical sources, the editor summarizes the views of Paine and Jefferson on liberty in America, and on the contrasting political realities in Europe as well.

    Szporluk argues that both Karl Marx's theory of communism and Friedrich List's theory of nationalism arose in response to the sweeping changes brought about by the Industrial Revolution, and that both sought to promote industrialization as a means of reforming the modern world. Each ideology, the author contends, developed in relation to the other and can best be understood as the product of a complex interweaving of the two, producing in the 20th century new forms of nationalism that have incorporated Marxism into the fabric of their movement and Marxist states that have adopted threads of nationalistic belief. Casting the role of List and the intellectual development of Marx in an unorthodox light, this book adds a new dimension to the debate over the boundaries of nationalism and socialism in the development of political ideologies.

    MacMullen argues that a key factor in Rome’s fall was the steady loss of focus and control over government as its aims were thwarted for private gain by high-ranking bureaucrats and military leaders. Written in an informal and lively style, his book—the culmination of years of research and thoughtful analysis—provides a fascinating, fresh line of investigation and shows convincingly that the decline of Rome was a gradual, insidious process rather than a climactic event. “An important book which will initiate a long debate. . . . What is new in MacMullen’s argument is not the existence of this corruption but its sheer scale and long-term global effects. . . . A vivid and frightening picture of how a great state and civilization, the construction of centuries of painfully acquired political culture, can be cripplingly undermined.”—Stephen Williams, History Today “A powerful account of the vices of late Roman society, which certainly helps us to understand some aspects of its partial fall.”—Jasper Griffin, New York Review of Books “All students of history must welcome this wide-ranging book from so eminent an authority. MacMullen’s knowledge of the ancient evidence is encyclopedic and his deceptively casual style and deliberate avoidance of technical terms make this an accessible and stimulating book for the general reader as well as for the specialist.”—Jill Harries, International History Review “MacMullen’s book is excellent: rich and learned in detail, lively in style, and in argument and insights highly stimulating.”—S. J. B. Barnish, Times Higher Education Supplement

    

    Vastly different in theme, style, and sensibility, these works share an element that characterizes many serious new productions of the decade -- they first appeared in regional theaters and off-Broadway. In the 1980s the emergence of quality theaters from coast to coast has allowed the public to experience the visions of today's best playwrights. So here we have the distinctive black drama of Ma Rainey's Black Bottom, the emotionally riveting western fantasy of Fool for Love, the artistic fulfillment depicted in Sunday in the Park with George, and the disturbing moral commentary of Aunt Dan and Lemon and Grown Ups.

    

    Political, diplomatic and socio-economic strands are woven together and supported by a wide range of pictures, maps, graphs and questions. Documentary extracts are included throughout to encourage the reader to question the nature and value of various types of historical evidence. The second edition brings us fully up to the present day. Chapters on European Decolonisation, Communist Europe 1985-9, and European Unity and Discord have been added, and others have been substantially rewritten. An even wider range of illustrations and documentary source questions are included. The book is presented in a readable and well ordered format and is an ideal reference text for students.

    You may find it for free on the web. Purchase of the Kindle edition includes wireless delivery.

    In addition, they analyze a variety of related questions, including the interlocking preferences that fuel arms races, the strategic impact that Star Wars may have on nuclear deterrence, and optimal strategies for verifying arms control treaties. Of interest to students on international relations and foreign policy as well as those concerned with the formal analysis of conflict, Game Theory and National Security provides new foundations for understanding the rational basis of international conflict.

    Policy analysis, as a practical matter, is hardly new. Throughout history, rulers have sought advice from priests or sages, and monarchs have conferred with counselors. The emergence of empirical social research in the nineteenth century laid the groundwork for policy advice that was more than an idiosyncratic political exercise, but it was not until well into this century that the systematic examination of policy issues became feasible.Advice and Consent traces the recent course of the "policy sciences," a term coined in 1951 to describe an analytic approach that draws on political science, sociology, law, economics, psychology, and operations research to examine specific social problems in context. Peter deLeon's unique contribution is to delineate two separate but related currents in the development of the policy sciences: first, the evolution of intellectual tools for analysis ("advice"); and second, the evolution of a perceived need for policy research as prompted by events such as the war on poverty ("consent").Peter deLeon's concise and literate account of how these two trends shaped the policy sciences and affected each other clarifies the present state of policy research, explores its failure to realize fully its ideals, and frames the challenges facing the policy sciences as they struggle to complete their transformation from academic fancy to institutional fact.

    Mexican Americans, who have scored limited gains in their struggle for equality since the 1940s, are proving to be no exception to the rule. However, Barrera compares the situation of Mexican Americans to that of minority groups in four other countries and concludes that equality does not necessarily require assimilation.