This struggle has shaken the world economy, dictated the outcome of wars, and transformed the destiny of men and nations.The Prize is as much a history of the twentieth century as of the oil industry itself. The canvas of history is enormous -- from the drilling of the first well in Pennsylvania through two great world wars to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and Operation Desert Storm.

    One not infrequently sees cars or trucks sporting the bumper sticker "Have fun—beat the hell out of someone you love."

    The entrepreneurs studied are Cornelius Vanderbilt, John D. Rockefeller, James J. Hill, Andrew Mellon, Charles Schwab, and the Scranton family. Most historians argue that these men, and others like them, were Robber Barons. The story, however, is more complicated. The author, Burton Folsom, divides the entrepreneurs into two groups market entrepreneurs and political entrepreneurs. The market entrepreneurs, such as Hill, Vanderbilt, and Rockefeller, succeeded by producing a quality product at a competitive price. The political entrepreneurs such as Edward Collins in steamships and in railroads the leaders of the Union Pacific Railroad were men who used the power of government to succeed. They tried to gain subsidies, or in some way use government to stop competitors. The market entrepreneurs helped lead to the rise of the U. S. as a major economic power. By 1910, the U. S. dominated the world in oil, steel, and railroads led by Rockefeller, Schwab (and Carnegie), and Hill. The political entrepreneurs, by contrast, were a drain on the taxpayers and a thorn in the side of the market entrepreneurs. Interestingly, the political entrepreneurs often failed without help from government they could not produce competitive products. The author describes this clash of the market entrepreneurs and the political entrepreneurs. In the Mellon chapter, the author describes how Andrew Mellon an entrepreneur in oil and aluminum became Secretary of Treasury under Coolidge. In office, Mellon was the first American to practice supply-side economics. He supported cuts on income tax rates for all groups. The rate cut on the wealthiest Americans, from 73 percent to 25 percent, freed up investment capital and led to American economic growth during the 1920s. Also, the amount of revenue into the federal treasury increased sharply after tax rates were cut. The Myth of the Robber Barons has separate chapters on Vanderbilt, Hill, Schwab, Mellon, and the Scrantons. The author also has a conclusion, in which he looks at the textbook bias on the subject of Robber Barons and the rise of the U. S. in the late 1800s. This chapter explores three leading college texts in U. S. history and shows how they misread American history and disparage market entrepreneurs instead of the political entrepreneurs. This book is in its fifth edition, and is widely adopted in college and high school classrooms across the U. S.

    A portrayal of the reality behind the rhetoric, her essays also chronicle the consequences of these regimes: The Berlin Wall may have fallen, but ideology cannot be dismantled so quickly, and a lifetime lived in fear cannot be so easily forgotten.Many of the pieces focus on the intense connection Drakulic discovers between material things and the expression of one’s spirit, individuality, and femininity—an inevitable byproduct of a lifestyle that, through its rejection of capitalism and commoditization, ends up fetishizing both. She describes the moment one man was able, for the first time in his life, to eat a banana: He gobbled it down, skin and all, enthralled by its texture. Drakulic herself marvels at finding fresh strawberries in N.Y.C. in December, and the feel of the quality of the paper in an issue of Vogue.As Drakulic delves into the particular hardships facing women—who are not merely the victims of sexism, but of regimes that prevent them from having even the most basic material means by which to express themselves—she describes the desperate lengths to which they would go to find cosmetics or clothes that made them feel feminine in a society where such a feeling was regarded as a bourgeois affectation. There is small room for privacy in communal housing, and the banishment of many time-saving devices, combined with a focus on manual labor, meant women were slaves to domestic responsibility in a way that their Western peers would find unfathomable. From this vantage point, she provides a pointed critique of Western feminism as a movement borne out of privilege.How We Survived Communism and Even Laughed is a compelling, brilliant account of what it was really like to live under Communist rule and its inevitable repercussions.

    Opposing this materialist view is the idea that condemns a boundless appetite for more and better goods and distrusts "improvements" that only feed desire. Tracing the opposition to the idea of progress from Rousseau through Montesquieu to Carlyle, Max Weber and G.D.H. Cole, Lasch finds much that is desirable in a turn toward moral conservatism, toward a lower-middle-class culture that features egalitarianism, workmanship and loyalty, and recognizes the danger of resentment of the material goods of others.

    Husak" and the essay "The Power of the Powerless," are by now almost legendary for their influence on a generation of Eastern European dissidents; others, such as some of Havel's prison correspondence and his private letter to Alexander Dubcek, appear in English for the first time. All of them bear the unmistakable imprint of Havel's intellectual rigor, moral conviction, and unassuming eloquence, while standing as important additions to the world's literature of conscience.

    What is life like in a totalitarian regime? It is a question which has always fascinated Theodore Dalrymple - whose father was a strict if slightly inconsistent Communist.The Wilder Shores of Marx sees the writer visit five countries which still labour under systems inspired by the writings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and other luminaries of the left.

    The business magazines predicted his demise. And the public couldn't get enough. But the only people privy to Donald Trump's real story were the members of his inner circle—men such as Jack O'Donnell, a top executive at Atlantic City's Trump Plaza Casino until April, 1990. For three years O'Donnell witnessed the goings-on in the House of Trump that the people only guessed at. Now he reveals what he saw. Here's the inside story of Trump's legendary tirades, his convenient forgetfulness, and the infamous Donald Trump ego. O'Donnell tells how the Plaza staff catered to Trump's personal whims, and to those of his mistress—and how the man who built the largest gambling hall in the world knew little about running a casino. From the hypocrisy, bad deals, and the monumental debt to the untold tales of Marla and Ivana, Trumped! rips the mask off the mighty Trump facade—revealing a man whose castle is about to collapse.

    Courageous enough to create revolutionary change in their daily lives, Mujeres Libres mobilized over 20,000 women into an organized network to strive for community, education, and equality for women -during the Spanish Revolution. Martha Ackelsberg writes a comprehensive study of Mujeres Libres, intertwining interviews with the women themselves and analysis connecting them with modern feminist movements.Martha Ackelsberg is a professor of government and a member of the Women’s Studies Program Committee at Smith College, where she teaches courses in political theory, urban politics, political activism and feminist theory. She has contributed to a variety of anthologies on women’s political activism in the United States.

    This is where any discussion of God's law ultimately arrives: the issue of dominion. Ask yourself: Who is to rule on earth, Christ or Satan? Whose followers have the ethically acceptable tool of dominion, Christ's or Satan's? What is this tool of dominion, the Biblically revealed law of God, or the law of self-proclaimed autonomous man? Whose word is sovereign, God's or man's?Millions of Christians, sadly, have not recognized the continuing authority of God's law or its many applications to modern society. They have thereby reaped the whirlwind of cultural and intellectual impotence. They implicitly denied the power of the death and resurrection of Christ. They have served as footstools for the enemies of God. But humanism's free ride is coming to an end. This book serves as an introduction to this woefully neglected topic.

    At least two hundred students were shot dead and many more were detained. Then the bodies were trucked out, the cobblestones were washed clean. Detainees were held without recourse until 1971. Official denial of the killing continues even today: In the first week of February 2003, Mexico's Education Secretary Reyes Tamez ordered a new history textbook that mentions the massacre--Claudia Sierra's History of Mexico: An Analytical Approach--removed from shelves and classrooms. (Public outcry led Tamez to reverse his decision days later.) No one has yet been held accountable for the official acts of savagery. With provocative, anecdotal, and analytical prose, Taibo claims for history "one more of the many unredeemed and sleepless ghosts that live in our lands."

    Troubled times engender a longing for the grip on India's affairs that Patel had. How he acquired that grip is part of PATEL's story.A quarter-century after the selection of India's first premier, C. Rajagopalachari recalled the event and wrote: "Undoubtedly it would have been better if Nehru had been asked to be Foreign Minister and Patel made the Prime Minister."Why did Nehru, with Gandhi's support, become Premier, and not Patel? Was Vallabhbhai anti-Muslim? What were his relationships with Maulana Azad, Nehru, Subhas Bose and the Mahatma? Why did he clash with the socialists?How did he unify India? Why did he accept partition? Why, much earlier, did he exchange a life of comfort and riches for the struggle at Gandhi's side? These are only some of the questions answered as PATEL's diligently researched and frank narrative unfolds. Inquiring into Vallabhbhai's times as well as his life, PATEL becomes a segment of history.

    The major shifts in global politics that came about with the dismantling of the Eastern bloc have left the United States unchallenged as the preeminent military power, but American economic might has declined drastically in the face of competition, first from Germany and Japan ad more recently from newly prosperous countries elsewhere. In Deterring Democracy, the impassioned dissident intellectual Noam Chomsky points to the potentially catastrophic consequences of this new imbalance. Chomsky reveals a world in which the United States exploits its advantage ruthlessly to enforce its national interests--and in the process destroys weaker nations. The new world order (in which the New World give the orders) has arrived.

    An unrivaled master of vote swapping, back room deals, and election-day skulduggery, he was nevertheless an outspoken New Dealer with a genuine commitment to the poor and the underprivileged. With aides and colleagues he could be overbearing, crude, and vindictive, but at other times shy, sophisticated, and magnanimous. Perhaps columnist Russell Baker said it best: Johnson was a character out of a Russian novel...a storm of warring human instincts: sinner and saint, buffoon and statesman, cynic and sentimentalist. But Johnson was also a representative figure. His career speaks volumes about American politics, foreign policy, and business in the forty years after 1930. As Charles de Gaulle said when he came to JFK's funeral: Kennedy was America's mask, but this man Johnson is the country's real face. In Lone Star Rising, Robert Dallek, winner of the prestigious Bancroft Prize for his study of Franklin D. Roosevelt, now turns to this fascinating sinner and saint to offer a brilliant, definitive portrait of a great American politician. Based on seven years of research in over 450 manuscript collections and oral histories, as well as numerous personal interviews, this first book in a two-volume biography follows Johnson's life from his childhood on the banks of the Pedernales to his election as vice-president under Kennedy. We see Johnson, the twenty-three-year-old aide to a pampered millionaire Representative, become a de facto Congressman, and at age twenty-eight the country's best state director of the National Youth Administration. We see Johnson, the human dynamo, first in the House and then in the Senate, whirl his way through sixteen- and eighteen-hour days, talking, urging, demanding, reaching for influence and power, in an uncommonly successful congressional career. Dallek pays full due to Johnson's failings--his obsession with being top dog, his willingness to cut corners, and worse, to get there-- but he also illuminates Johnson's sheer brilliance as a politician, the high regard in which key members of the New Deal, including FDR, held him, and his genuine concern for minorities and the downtrodden. No president in American history is currently less admired than Lyndon Johnson. Bitter memories of Vietnam have sent Johnson's reputation into free fall, and recent biographies have painted him as a scoundrel who did more harm than good. Lone Star Rising attempts to strike a balance. It does not neglect the tawdry side of Johnson's political career, including much that is revealed for the first time. But it also reminds us that Lyndon Johnson was a man of exceptional vision, who from early in his career worked to bring the South into the mainstream of American economic and political life, to give the disadvantaged a decent chance, and to end racial segregation for the well-being of the nation.

    Beschloss is the author of Kennedy and Roosevelt: An Uneasy Alliance and Mayday: Eisenhower, Khrushchev, and the U-2 Affair. Photos.

    In this new paperback edition, Thomas Geoghegan has updated his eloquent plea for the relevance of organized labor in America with an afterword covering the labor movement through the 1990s. A funny, sharp, unsentimental career memoir, Which Side Are You On? pairs a compelling history of the rise and near-fall of labor in the United States with an idealist's disgruntled exercise in self-evaluation. Writing with the honesty of an embattled veteran still hoping for the best, Geoghegan offers an entertaining, accessible, and literary introduction to the labor movement, as well as an indispensable touchstone for anyone whose hopes have run up against the unaccommodating facts on the ground. Wry and inspiring, Which Side Are You On? is the ideal book for anyone who has ever woken up and realized, "You must change your life."

    

    The handbook has been used by Midwest Academy since 1973 in its organizing and activism seminars. Central to the Academy and the manual are

    He argues for concentrating on higher and more basic values: individual capabilities and freedom to achieve objectives. By concentrating on the equity and efficiency of social arrangements in promoting freedoms and capabilities of individuals, Sen adds an important new angle to arguments about such vital issues as gender inequalities, welfare policies, affirmative action, and public provision of health care and education.

    These speeches document Malcolm's progression from Black nationalism to internationalism, and are key to both understanding his extraordinary life and illuminating his angry yet uplifting cause.

    Series editor Richard Beeman, author of "The Penguin Guide to the U.S. Constitution," draws together the great texts of American civic life, including the founding documents, pivotal historical speeches, and important Supreme Court decisions, to create a timely and informative mini-library of perennially vital issues. As president, Abraham Lincoln endowed the American language with a vigor and moral energy that have all but disappeared from today's public rhetoric. His words are testaments of our history, windows into his enigmatic personality, and resonant examples of the writer's art. Renowned Lincoln and Civil War scholar Allen C. Guelzo brings together this volume of "Lincoln Speeches" that span the classic and obscure, the lyrical and historical, the inspirational and intellectual. The book contains everything from classic speeches that any citizen would recognize--the first debate with Stephen Douglas, the "House Divided" Speech, the Gettysburg Address, the Second Inaugural Address--to the less known ones that professed Lincoln fans will come to enjoy and intellectuals and critics praise. These orations show the contours of the civic dilemmas Lincoln, and America itself, encountered: the slavery issue, state v. federal power, citizens and their duty, death and destruction, the coming of freedom, the meaning of the Constitution, and what it means to progress.

    Monk explores the remarkable history of the Bill of Rights amendment by amendment, the Supreme Court's interpretation of each right, and the power of citizens to enforce those rights.Stories of the ordinary people who made the Bill of Rights come alive are featured throughout. These include Fannie Lou Hamer, a Mississippi sharecropper who became a national civil rights leader; Clarence Earl Gideon, a prisoner whose handwritten petition to the Supreme Court expanded the right to counsel; Mary Beth Tinker, a 13-year-old whose protest of the Vietnam War established free speech rights for students; Michael Hardwick, a bartender who fought for privacy after police entered his bedroom unlawfully; Suzette Kelo, a nurse who opposed the city's takeover of her working-class neighborhood; and Simon Tam, a millennial whose 10-year trademark battle for his band "The Slants" ended in a unanimous Supreme Court victory. Such people prove that, in the words of Judge Learned Hand, "Liberty lies in the hearts of men and women; when it dies there, no constitution, no law, no court, can save it."Exploring the history, scope, and meaning of the first ten amendments-as well as the Fourteenth Amendment, which nationalized them and extended new rights of equality to all-The Bill of Rights: A User's Guide is a powerful examination of the values that define American life and the tools that every citizen needs.

    Ronald Wilson Reagan, the first actor to be elected president, turned in the performance of a lifetime. But that performance concealed the complexities of the man, baffling most who came in contact with him. Who was the man behind the makeup? Only Lou Cannon, who covered Reagan through his political career, can tell us. The keenest Reagan-watcher of them all, he has been the only author to reveal the nature of a man both shrewd and oblivious. Based on hundreds of interviews with the president, the First Lady, and hundreds of the administration's major figures, President Reagan takes us behind the scenes of the Oval Office. Cannon leads us through all of Reagan's roles, from the affable cowboy to the self-styled family man; from the politician who denounced big government to the president who created the largest peace-time deficit; from the statesman who reviled the Soviet government to the Great Communicator who helped end the cold war.

    Tim Macartney-Snape AM, who says of the book `Griffith's explanations have clarified so much that was inexplicable about myself and what goes on in the world. It is like having mist lift from country you've never seen in clear weather. This book could well have as much impact on humanity as the Bible.' It examines issues such as science & religion, politics and psychiatry.Beyond The Human Condition received many reviews, reproduced below: ‘[Griffith] gives us a genuinely original and inspiring way of understanding ourselves and our place in the universe.’The late Professor Charles Birch, Templeton-prize winner and world-renowned biologist________________________________________‘Mr. Griffith makes several original claims in the book, and advances a thought-provoking hypothesis about the origins of human angst from the process of empathy-related indoctrination and learning that is unique and interesting…Mr. Griffith’s book is provocative and well-written, and surfaces a large number of important issues in an intelligent manner. His project is important to think about, and while there are some things to debate from a scientific and philosophical perspective in his book Beyond The Human Condition, there is also much that would be considered true by members of the relevant scientific disciplines.’ Dr William Casebeer, Cognitive scientist and philosopher; USAF, Chief of Eurasian Intelligence Analysis, NATO Military Headquarters________________________________________‘Beyond…contains an interesting and thoughtful combination of materials and I hope it will be successful and widely read.’Professor Adrienne Zihlman, Professor of Anthropology at UCLA Santa Cruz________________________________________‘Mr. Griffith’s work is important and significant to my field of psychiatry. I also consider that it is of significance to all of science. In my view, it explains the nature of “The Human Condition”.The first two books I read, 'Free' and 'Beyond', are amazing platforms which describe the basic findings made and explanations put forward, by Mr Griffith. Mr Griffith’s subsequent writings do not change in basic concept but we see increasing elaboration, background and opportunity scientifically to understand the Human Condition and ameliorate it. These writings in many ways further basic evolutionary concepts and thus are seen by some as controversial, but the majority of scientists, anthropologists and sociologists whom I know to have considered these works have become very excited and perhaps had their own thinking take a leap forward as they have read and re-read Mr Griffith’s work. Even the nay-sayers, in my view, have not been able to put forward evidence which refutes Mr Griffith’s ideas in a scientific way. The persons who have taken negative views of Mr. Griffith’s notions are not to be belittled, but in no criticism that I have seen is there a truly scientific rebuttal. In my opinion, the scientific validity of Mr Griffith’s work is supported in every way possible, from archaeology, primatology, genetics and evolutionary facts.’ Professor Prosen concluded that ‘In my opinion, Mr Griffith’s work, including 'Beyond', is of the highest scientific merit.’ Professor Harry Prosen, former President of the Canadian Psychiatric Association; Emeritus Professor of Psychiatry and Behavioral Medicine, Medical College of Wisconsin________________________________________‘Griffith’s explanations have clarified so much that was inexplicable about myself and what goes on in the world. It is like having mist lift from country you’ve never seen in clear weather. This book could well have as much impact on humanity as the Bible.’Tim Macartney-Snape, twice-honoured Order of Australia recipient, world renowned mountaineer, biologist, author and a founding director of the WTM/FHA________________________________________I too have always been puzzled by the innate cruelty that seems to be incorporated in much of human nature, particularly in our dealings with the other creatures of the earth. I commend you for probing this phenomenon.’Daphne Sheldrick, renowned African conservationist and founder of the David Sheldrick Wildlife Trust, Nairobi ________________________________________‘Your book is certainly thought-provoking and will no doubt be the subject of much debate within the scientific and general communities. My congratulations.’R. J. L. Hawke, the then, Prime Minister of Australia________________________________________‘…the line of reasoning in 'Beyond the Human Condition' is exactly continuous…[Jeremy Griffith] accurately accounts for data from the fossil record...from the behavioral ecology of living primates (especially great ape behavior), and from comparative anatomy…I am able to relate his arguments to my own understanding of the issues he raises. His focus on the evolution of consciousness is a central theme in evolutionary anthropology. His attempts to explain the evolution of bipedality, matriarchal social systems, comparative primate life histories (how long is infancy, childhood, adolescence, etc) draw from established and central references on these topics in the professional literature (such as the publications of Adolph Schultz, Roger Lewin, Adrienne Zihlman, Frances White, Randall Susman and Diane Fossey).’Professor Walter Hartwig, Associate Professor and Chair of Department of Basic Sciences, College of Osteopathic Medicine, Touro University, California________________________________________‘On 29 Sept 1992, Jeremy Griffith presented his new book, 'Beyond The Human Condition', at a special Kenya Museum Society lecture. Once in a long while you come across an “aha” book. Every few pages of Jeremy Griffith’s biological synthesis of human behaviour stretching back millions of years, I found myself, a scientific layman, saying, “aha, that makes sense!"'Doug Rigby, Swara, East African Wildlife Society magazine________________________________________‘I’ve looked at your book but I’m unable to review it because its subject is too daunting.’Journalist Jane Frazer, in 1991 after she had been asked to review Jeremy Griffith’s book by her literary editor at The Australian newspaper________________________________________‘He has been hailed as a prophet. His theories reconcile science and religion, idealism and realism, good and evil, holism and mechanism, instinct and intellect…His book Beyond The Human Condition…quotes freely from the Bible, Sir Laurens van der Post, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, Richard Leakey, Bob Dylan, Eugene Marais, Einstein, Olive Schreiner and Dian Fossey, along with a host of other sources. It also draws on practical anthropological and zoological studies to explain our self-destructive behaviour…Despite the biblical illustrations, Griffith’s philosophy is free from religious cant. It explains how the Green and New Age movements contain portions of the truth, and offers rational and logical answers. Chanting mantras or the wearing of saffron robes is not required… A final analogy—fitting when Griffith is a former rugby player who once made the Wallaby trials—is that for the last two million years mankind has been playing a ferocious football game with no purpose, rules or result. Many of us are so exhausted and embattled from being at the bottom of the scrum that we have lost our ideals. Now Griffith is offering to blow the final whistle and send us to the showers.’ Journalist Rowan Dodds, The New Zealand Herald newspaper________________________________________‘The closer we get to the edge of existence the more we appear to need to explain where we have been—presumably in the hope it will show us where we are going. Out of the horror have emerged seers and philosophers offering solace to anyone tormented by the idea that the world has become too complex for us to deal with. Many of these are charlatans …Fortunately, there are also some thinkers of such stature that their thoughts may genuinely change the way of the world. With his new book Jeremy Griffith is seeking to join these ranks…like many significant works, it [Beyond] prompts responses from the reader like “why didn’t I think of that?”…It is a bold and inspiring work.’ Journalist Mark Thornton, The West Australian newspaper________________________________________‘Mr Griffith’s work is extraordinarily insightful and I am quite pleased to have the benefit of his wisdom.’James Balog, an award-winning photographer for National Geographic magazine

    

    Yet even as he grapples with the challenges of political change, he affirms his belief in a politics motivated by moral responsibility; in an economy tempered by compassion; and in the central roles of art and culture in the transformation of society. Summer Meditations is not only a timely and necessary testament of events in Eastern Europe but a profound reflection upon the nature and practice of politics and a stirring call for morality, civility, and openness in public life throughout the world.

    . . . Simply put, this book is a feast for the intellect"—Thomas M. Wilson, American Anthropologist"One of the best books to have been written on Northern Ireland. . . . A highly imagination and significant book. Formations of Violence is an important addition to the literature on political violence."—David E. Schmitt, American Political Science Review

    

    It aims to help readers understand the dynamic growth and vitality of the LDS community. Entries include complete biographies of the prophets and church leaders, as well as articles on practice, scripture and church organization.

    Recipes for poetic terror, anarcho -black magic, post-situ psychotropic surgery, denunciations of spiritual addictions to vapid infotainment cults - this is the bastard classic, the watermark impressed upon our minds. Where conscience informs praxis, and action infects consciousness, T.A.Z. is beginning to worm its way into above-ground culture. This book offers inspired blasts of writing, from slogans to historical essays, on the need to insert revolutionary happiness into everyday life through poetic action, and celebrating the radical optimism present in outlaw cultures. It should appeal to alternative thinkers and punks everywhere, as it celebrates liberation, love and poetic living. The new edition contains the full text of Chaos: The Broadsheets of Ontological Anarchism, the complete communiques and flyers of the Association fo Ontological Anarchy, the long essay 'The Temporary Autonomous Zone, ' and a new preface by the author

    Ten of the essays have never appeared before in English. "Exemplary. . . . It should be celebrated." —Arthur C. Danto, New York Times Book Review"This book . . . express[es] Kolakowski's thought on God, man, reason, history, moral truth and original sin, prompted by observation of the dramatic struggle among Christianity, the Enlightenment and modern totalitarianism. It is a wonderful collection of topics." —Thomas Nagel, Times Literary Supplement"No better antidote to bumper-sticker thinking exists than this collection of 24 'appeals for moderation in consistency,' and never has such an antidote been needed more than it is now." —Joseph Coates, Chicago Tribune"Whether learned or humorous, these essays offer gems in prose of diamond hardness, precision, and brilliance." —Thomas D'Evelyn, The Christian Science MonitorA "Notable Books of the Year 1991" selection, New York Times Book Review—a "Noted with Pleasure" selection, New York Times Book Review—a "Summer Reading 1991" selection, New York Times Book Review—a "Books of the Year" selection, The Times.

    

    Although programs may seem apolitical in intent, Parenti argues that they have a powerful influence not only on how we dress, talk, and spend our money, but also on how we define social problems and which ideological images we embrace. Viewers who think what they’re watching is “only entertainment” are less likely to challenge prejudices implicit in the program—including militarism, xenophobia, and ethnic bigotry—and more inclined to accept a prefabricated understanding of the world as it is portrayed on the screen.Even viewers who claim to be immune to the obvious messages of film and television will find Parenti’s analysis provocative and compelling as he urges us to become more critical about what we choose to watch.

    He demonstrates that people largely govern themselves by means of informal rules--social norms--that develop without the aid of a state or other central coordinator. Integrating the latest scholarship in law, economics, sociology, game theory, and anthropology, Ellickson investigates the uncharted world within which order is successfully achieved without law.The springboard for Ellickson's theory of norms is his close investigation of a variety of disputes arising from the damage created by escaped cattle in Shasta County, California. In "The Problem of Social Cost"--the most frequently cited article on law--economist Ronald H. Coase depicts farmers and ranchers as bargaining in the shadow of the law while resolving cattle-trespass disputes. Ellickson's field study of this problem refutes many of the behavioral assumptions that underlie Coase's vision, and will add realism to future efforts to apply economic analysis to law.Drawing examples from a wide variety of social contexts, including whaling grounds, photocopying centers, and landlord-tenant relations, Ellickson explores the interaction between informal and legal rules and the usual domains in which these competing systems are employed. Order without Law firmly grounds its analysis in real-world events, while building a broad theory of how people cooperate to mutual advantage.

    Thomas rope forced to make no public objection to China's harsh politics in exchange for their support in the Persian Gulf war. 16 pages of photographs.

    Recent decades have seen intensive historical investigation and reappraisal in this field. Many established perspectives have changed; and while it would still be generally accepted that something distinctly modern took shape in the political thought of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, there have been important changes in our understanding of what is medieval and what is modern and of the relationship between these concepts. A highly distinguished team of contributors present a unique, authoritative guide to these developments. Full bibliographical and biographical information is provided for those wishing to pursue specific topics in greater detail.

    Within each individual, Nagel believes, there is a division between two standpoints, the personal and the impersonal. Without the impersonal standpoint, there would be no morality, only the clash, compromise, and occasional convergence of individual perspectives. It is because a human being does not occupy only his own point of view that each of us is susceptible to the claims of others through private and public morality. Political systems, to be legitimate, must achieve an integration of these two standpoints within the individual. These ideas are applied to specific problems such as social and economic inequality, toleration, international justice, and the public support of culture. Nagel points to the problem of balancing equality and partiality as the most important issue with which political theorists are now faced.

    The simple yet memorable eloquence of his speeches, proclamations and personal correspondence is recorded here in a representative collection of 16 documents.This volume contains, complete and unabridged, The Address Before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois (1838), which emphasized a theme Lincoln was to return to repeatedly, namely, the capacity of a people to govern themselves; the "House Divided" speech at the Republican State Convention in Illinois (1858); the First Inaugural Address (1861), in which he appealed to the people of an already divided union for sectional harmony; the Gettysburg Address (1863), a speech delivered at ceremonies dedicating a part of the Gettysburg battlefield as a cemetery; the Letter to Mrs. Bixby (1864), expressing Lincoln's regrets over the wartime deaths of her five sons; the Second Inaugural Address (March 1865), urging a post-war nation to "bind up its wounds" and show "charity for all"; and his Last Public Address (April 11, 1865). New notes place the speeches and other documents in their respective historical contents.An invaluable reference for history students, this important volume will also fascinate admirers of Abraham Lincoln, Americana enthusiasts, Civil War buffs and any lover of the finely crafted phrase

    Examining the co-birth in ancient Greece of philosophy and politics, Castoriadis shows how the Greeks' radical questioning of established ideas and institutions gave rise to the project of autonomy. The end of philosophy proclaimed by Postmodernism would mean the end of this project. That end is now hastened by the lethal expansion of technoscience, the waning of political and social conflict, and the resignation of intellectuals who blindly defend Western culture as it is or who merely denounce or deconstruct it as it has been. Discussing and criticizing Plato, Aristotle, Leibniz, Kant, Hegel, Weber, Heidegger, and Habermas, the author of The Imaginary Institution of Society and Crossroads in the Labyrinth poses a radical challenge to our inherited philosophy.

    Persuasion has always been integral to the democratic process, but increasingly, thoughtful discussion is being replaced with simplistic soundbites and manipulative messages.Drawing on the history of propaganda as well as on contemporary research in social psychology, Age of Propaganda shows how the tactics used by political campaigners, sales agents, advertisers, televangelists, demagogues, and others often take advantage of our emotions by appealing to our deepest fears and most irrational hopes, creating a distorted vision of the world we live in.This revised and updated edition includes coverage of the Clinton/Lewinsky scandal, recent election campaigns, talk radio, teen suicide, U.F.O. abductions, the Columbine shootings, and novel propaganda tactics based on hypocrisy and false allegations.

    J. O'Rourke's savagely funny and national best-seller Parliament of Whores has become a classic in understanding the workings of the American political system. Originally written at the end of the Reagan era, this new edition includes an extensive foreword by the renowned political writer Andrew Ferguson -- showing us that although the names and the players have changed, the game is still the same. Parliament of Whores is an exuberant, broken-field run through the ethical foibles, pork-barrel flimflam, and bureaucratic bullrorfle inside the Beltway that leaves no sacred cow unskewered and no politically correct sensitivities unscorched.

    He left behind a small body of works: best known are the two novels, 'Young Adam' and 'Cain's Book': and a handful of erotic novels and translations. The shorter pieces here - stories, essays and the extracts many previously unpublished, demonstrate the range of Trocchi's writing, his preoccupation with human isolation, with the outsider figure and his role as a 'cosmonaut of inner space'.

    The problem is that those criminals are thought to be great leaders, sages, saints, mahatmas. So I have to expose all these people because they are the causes. For example, it is easier to understand that perhaps politicians are the causes of many problems: wars, murders, massacres, burning people. It is even more difficult when it comes to religious leaders, because nobody has raised his hand against them. they have remained respectable for centuries, and as time goes on their respectability goes on growing. The most difficult job for me is to make you aware that these people – knowingly or unknowingly, that does not matter – have created this world.

    foreign policy, compiled from talks and interviews completed between 1986 and 1991, with particular attention to Central America.

    The book is about the Ayodhya debate and also discusses Indian politics and communalism. Elst opines that reaching national integration "requires dropping the anti-Hindu separatist doctrines that have largely been created for the purposes of several imperialisms, and are now being kept afloat with a lot of distortive intellectual and propagandistic effort."The book attempts to examine the polemics between 'communalists' and 'secularists' in India. He also writes about Indian secularism and Communalism, and alleges "that a clear majority of the riots are started by Muslims". In another chapter, the author discusses the banning of books like Ram Swarup's Understanding Islam through Hadis. In the 14th chapter he discusses the concept of "Hindu Fascism".This book was his second book on the Ayodhya debate.

    

    It includes his best-known essays, some outstanding but neglected articles, and previously unpublished material.

    Ayubi traces both the intellectual sources and the socio-economic bases of Political Islam, arguing that it is a modern phenomenon, dating back only to the inter-war period. He describes its major proponents as urban, educated and relatively young people, whose energies were mobilised, but whose expectations were not fulfilled by the post-independence `populist' regimes in the Arab World.Islamic movements in six countries are studied in detail. Ayubi's distinctively broad definition of politics encompasses innovative material on sex and the family, and on the emerging alternative economic and social networks of Islamic banks, schools, and hospitals in the countries discussed.Ayubi stresses the traditional concern in Islam for the collective enforcement of morals, but argues that there is no case for the commonly held misconception that politics begins from theological principles in the Arab world: the historical connection between Islam and politics can be explained as an attempt by the rulers to legitimise their actions. He suggests that radical Islamists are reversing this position by subjecting politics to their specific religious views, so their movement is in some senses an anti-state one. He concludes by discussing possible intellectual responses to fundamentalism, drawing on the thinking of contemporary Muslim liberals.

    Corbett has spent much of his life as a cowboy, goat herder, range analyst, and teacher of wildland symbiotics. Now he offers a wealth of backcountry knowledge, illuminated by his strongly felt philosophy.

    It draws upon biographies and cultural history to highlight the revolutionary context in which girls' education made its reluctant start in the 19th century. In the new section on women's education, the author brings into focus the same set of linkages - between the emerging system of education and its policies, the social structure and ethos - which makes this an innovative study of educational ideas and practices. There are also some important additions to the discussion of caste and identity.

    Revealing that our teacher-training institutes have reached an all-time low, this scathing expose shows a betrayal of traditional ideals and values and a remarkably low intellectual level throughout the educational establishment.

    In this lively and wide-ranging book, Ellen Meiksins Wood argues that what is supposed to have epitomized bourgeois modernity, especially the emergence of a “modern” state and political culture in Continental Europe, signalled the persistence of precapitalist social property relations. Conversely, the absence of a “modern” state and political discourse in England testified to the presence of a well-developed capitalism. The fundamental flaws in the British economy are not just the symptoms of arrested development but the contradictions of the capitalist system itself. Britain today, Wood maintains, is the most thoroughly capitalist culture in Europe.Weaving together economic and political history with the history of ideas, Wood ranges across a broad spectrum of current debates, from the “Nairn–Anderson theses” to the contribution of J.C.D. Clark and Alan Macfarlane, and over a wide variety of topics: the development of British capitalism and French absolutism; the state, the nation and their symbolic representations; revolution and tradition; the cultural patterns of English speech, urbanism, ruralism and the landscape garden; ideas of sovereignty, democracy, property and progress.This book will be as interesting and provocative to observers of contemporary capitalism as to historians of early modern Europe or Western political thought.

    The book draws from Athenian and American experience.

    But the CIA's spies had few qualms when it came to cultivating terrorist organisations and interfering in the internal politics of Cold War Italy. Puppetmasters reveals how US intelligence services exploited the P2 masonic lodge to prop up friendly Christian Democrat-dominated governments and counter the growing political influence of the Italian Communist Party. It was a ruthless strategy involving coup plots, right wing terrorist bombings and the manipulation of the Red Brigades. And it gave Italy one of the bloodiest and most protracted periods of terrorist violence ever seen in a modern, industrialised society.

    His thirst for knowledge leads to brutality, sexual excess, and finally, self-destruction. A fast-paced, funny, and ironic story straight from today's headlines.

    Today, she is newly liberated from six years' house arrest in Rangoon, where she was held as a prisoner of conscience, despite an overwhelming victory by her party in May 1990. This collection of writings, now revised with substantial new material, including the text of the Nobel Peace Prize speech delivered by her son, reflects Aung San Suu Kyi's greatest hopes and fears for her people and her concern about the need for international cooperation, and gives poignant and humorous reminiscences as well as independent assessments of her role in politics. Containing speeches, letters and interviews, some of which are newly added, these writings give a voice to Burma's 'woman of destiny', who was awarded both the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought and the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize.'This book is bound to become a classic for a new generation of Asians who value democracy even more highly than Westerners do, simply because they are deprived of the basic freedoms that Westerners take for granted"--The New York Times

    Presents, in Lacanian terms, an integration of psychoanalytic theory in which the battery of key Freudian concepts - from the dynamics of the Oedipus complex to the ego, id, and super-ego - are seen to intersect in Freud's most far-reaching and speculative formulation of a drive towards death.

    Starting with Ho Chi Minh's revolt against the French, the book takes the reader through the succeeding years as scholars, government officials and others recount the important events and examine issues that arose during this tumultuous time.

    This fully documented, often bizarre tale of sheer incompetence and conspiratorial malfeasance affords insights into how the government actually works for.

    government's murderous assault on Iraq heralded increasingly sharp conflicts among imperialist powers, the rise of rights and fascist forces, growing instability of international capitalism and more wars.

    The book now includes two new chapters on citizenship theory and multiculturalism, in addition to updated chapters on utilitarianism, liberal egalitarianism, libertarianism, socialism, communitarianism, and feminism. The many thinkers discussed includeG. A. Cohen, Ronald Dworkin, William Galston, Carol Gilligan, R. M. Hare, Chandran Kukathas, Catherine Mackinnon, David Miller, Philippe Van Parijs, Susan Okin, Robert Nozick, John Rawls, John Roemer, Michael Sandel, Charles Taylor, Michael Walzer, and Iris Young. Extended guides to further readinghave been added at the end of each chapter, listing the most important books and articles on each school of thought, as well as relevant journals and websites. Covering some of the most advanced contemporary thinking, Will Kymlicka writes in an engaging, accessible, and non-technical way to ensurethe book is suitable for students approaching these difficult concepts for the first time. This second edition promises to build on the original edition's success as a key text in the teaching of modern political theory.

    This authoritative study of the Kurdish people provides a deep and varied insight into one of the largest primarily tribal communities in the world. It covers the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the great Kurdish revolt against republican Turkey, the birth of Kurdish nationalism and the situation of the Kurdish people in Iraq, Turkey and Iran today.Van Bruinessen's work is already recognized as a key contribution to this subject. Tribe by tribe, he accounts for the evolution of power within Kurdish religious and other lineages, and shows how relations with the state have played a key constitutive role in the development of tribal structures. This is illustrated from contemporary Kurdish life, highlighting the complex interplay between traditional clan loyalties and their modern national equivalents.This book is essential to any Middle East collection. It has serious implications for the study of tribal life elsewhere, and it documents the history of what has until recently been a forgotten people.

    Volume 3

    She swings high in the playground, invents stories about huge, terrifying goblins -- and believes in magic. PThe small boy she plays with is afraid. He would never do the things that Anna Banana does, even when they're together. But one day, when he's most scared, he uses a little bit of her magic -- and makes some of this own. PThis warm, funny story about a feisty little girl and her timid playmate is sure to touch the youngest reader.

    This is partly why putting the pieces together felt like writing a pos-mortem account. The old patterns were evident, starting from President Joseph Estrada's ouster in 2001 and up until the fiasco at the Manila Peninsula takeover in 2007. As I bring it to a closure, I still see the optimism of a military being professional again. I have also come to conclude that what has made the armed forces survive as an institution, and truly its saving grace, is that there are a few good men. Let us hope then that officers of the future will be more discerning and courageous enough to break away from old habits and turn in the right direction." -- From the Preface to 2009 Edition

    It explains the Christian's responsibility and relationship to civil government. It sets forth civil government as it has been ordained by God. Likewise it exposes corrupt, unbiblical and ungodly civil government. The book emphasizes obedience to God in the realm of civil government.

    This revised edition updates and enhances the work by bringing it into the twenty-first century. John Sibley Butler traces the development of black enterprises and other community organizations among black Americans from before the Civil War to the present. He compares these efforts to other strong traditions of self-help among groups such as Japanese Americans, Jewish Americans, Greek Americans, and exciting new research on the Amish and the Pakistani. He also explores how higher education is already a valued tradition among black self-help groups--such that today their offspring are more likely to be third and fourth generation college graduates. Butler effectively challenges the myth that nothing can be done to salvage America's underclass without a massive infusion of public dollars, and offers a fresh perspective on those community based organizations and individuals who act to solve local social and economic problems.

    Claes G. Ryn demonstrates that, although this ideology is often called “conservative” or “neoconservative,” it has more in common with the radical Jacobin ideology of the French Revolution of 1789.  The French Jacobins selected France as savior of the world. The new Jacobins have anointed the United States. The author explains that the new Jacobinism manifests a precipitous decline of American civilization and that it poses a serious threat to traditional American constitutionalism and liberty. The book’s analyses and predictions have proved almost eerily prophetic. President George W. Bush made neo-Jacobin ideology the basis of U.S. foreign policy, and it continues to exercise great influence in both parties. This new edition of a modern classic contains a thought-provoking afterword by the author that brings the book up to date.

    Focusing on the elections of 1980, 1982, and 1984, Mansfield critiques contemporary conservatism for its ignorance of the political theory implicit in the Constitution.

    Vast in scope, it ranges in place and time from the Ancient Egyptian Satire of the Trades to Vaclav Havel's Memorandum, in form from Chaucerian verse to Paris graffiti, and embraces protest songs, radio broadcasts, the text of seditious posters and the transcripts of trials; Charlotte Bronte and Lenny Bruce, Aesop and Aborigines.

    Glendon's acclaimed book traces the evolution of the strident language of rights in America and shows how it has captured the nation's devotion to individualism and liberty, but omitted the American traditions of hospitality and care for the community.

    Integrating themes from American history, political science, and philosophy, We the People confronts the past, present, and future of popular sovereignty in America. Only this distinguished scholar could present such an insightful view of the role of the Supreme Court. Rejecting arguments of judicial activists, proceduralists, and neoconservatives, Ackerman proposes a new model of judicial interpretation that would synthesize the constitutional contributions of many generations into a coherent whole. The author ranges from examining the origins of the dualist tradition in the Federalist Papers to reflecting upon recent, historic constitutional decisions. The latest revolutions in civil rights, and the right to privacy, are integrated into the fabric of constitutionalism. Today's Constitution can best be seen as the product of three great exercises in popular sovereignty, led by the Founding Federalists in the 1780s, the Reconstruction Republicans in the 1860s, and the New Deal Democrats in the 1930s. Ackerman examines the roles played during each of these periods by the Congress, the Presidency, and the Supreme Court. He shows that Americans have built a distinctive type of constitutional democracy, unlike any prevailing in Europe.

    The centuries of legal precedent behind the Sullivan case and the U.S. Supreme Court's historic reversal of the original verdict are expertly chronicled in this gripping and wonderfully readable book by the Pulitzer Prize -- winning legal journalist Anthony Lewis. It is our best account yet of a case that redefined what newspapers -- and ordinary citizens -- can print or say.

    These works represent the authors' attempts to balance their commitments to the maintenance of order in Church and polity on the one hand, and the overriding imperative of uncompromising obedience to the will of God as revealed in Scripture on the other. The book is intended to be readily intelligible to students and nonspecialists, but precise enough for scholars. The introduction relates the works to the thought and activities of their authors, and a glossary, chronology and bibliography are also provided.

    Superb autobiography of an East End Jewish militant's life during the General Strike, Great Depression, and above all, the fight against Mosley's Fascists.

    Calhoun was a major actor in the political history of nineteenth-century America. His dramatic career will always be of interest. However, Calhoun is equally important as a political thinker who continues to elicit widespread interest from the most diverse points of the ideological spectrum. The Essential Calhoun presents a full-fledged selection of speeches and writings taken from the entire forty-year span of Calhoun's public career and from many varieties of occasions, public and private. For the first time, it is possible to appreciate Calhoun fully and to consider his thought within the compass of a single volume.Calhoun is known to posterity as the premier defender of the Old South and slavery and as the theorist of the concurrent majority. His contemporaries knew him as much else, including a political economist and foreign policy authority. As the range of writings shows, he was a valuable and often prophetic commentator.Calhoun's thought testifies to a deep and abiding concern with moral and ethical issues that confront a government resting on the consent of the people. The fundamental question with which he wrestles in all his works is how to achieve and maintain a proper balance between power and liberty in a democratic society. By providing the most representative compendium of his thought, The Essential Calhoun invites the reader to engage in this exercise of applying the moral imagination realistically to the public business of America. Historians, American studies specialists, economists, and political scientists will find this volume indispensible.

    Including previously unpublished material in English, this book details past events in China by someone who was there, on the inside.

    Volume Two takes readers to the White House during the time of Theodore Roosevelt and travels through each administration through that of George Bush.

    Third volume in the Wildcat series of anarchist comics.

    The book is not confined to the news as it was reported at the time, with the inevitable distortions caused by censorship and official secrecy: it draws upon all the information now available about the war - the code-breaking, espionage, commando raids, top-level military and political wrangling, developments in weaponry and the horrors of the Holocaust - which often remained classified as top secret for years after the war. All the great, world-shattering events are here: the Blitzkrieg through Poland and later into France, Churchill's "finest hour", the Battle of Britain, El Alamein, Pearl Harbor, Stalingrad, D-Day, the fall of Berlin and Hiroshima. But Chronicle of the Second World War never forgets what life was like for ordinary people, whether in the battle zones or on the home front. From the miseries of ration queues and austerity clothing to the delights of ITMA and Glenn Miller, Chronicle aims not just to report the events of the war but to enable readers to feel what it was like to live through those years. As with all Chronicle books, the events are reported as though they had just happened, recapturing all the drama and immediacy of the war. Lavishly illustrated with photographs throughout plus some 175 specially-commissioned maps and diagrams, Chronicle of the Second World War makes the headlines of the past as vivid as today's newspapers or the nightly television news. It includes material about the German home front previously published only in Germany, with contributions also from Chronicle writers in Australia, France and North America to provide truly global coverage. Special features of this book include personal memoirs of the war from personalities as diverse as Roald Dahl and Spike Milligan, Denis Healey and Vera Lynn, Ludovic Kennedy an

    Examining the social structures of Christians, Jews, Asians, Greeks, and Romans, On Divorce links a theory of the family to a theory of politics and argues the family is a basic component of a stable society. As a politician, Bonald gave a crucial anti-divorce speech in the French legislature that summarized the argument of On Divorce. Due largely to Bonald's efforts, France abolished divorce in 1816.According to Bonald, human society is composed of three interactive societies: religious society, domestic society (the family), and public society (the state). These societies operate on common principles and can only be analyzed in relation to one another. Since, in this view, the family, not the individual, is the basic unit of society, divorce represents a fundamental assault on the social order.Bonald was one of the three principal founders of conservatism, along with Edmund Burke and Joseph de Maistre. Bonald's influence has been felt across the political spectrum and in areas as diverse as political theory, sociology, and literature. Of great interest to students of political philosophy, this work will be of equal value to those concerned with divorce and other social questions.

    He argues that it is essential to understand tragedy's interaction with the practiceof Greek democracy. In The Political Art of Greek Tragedy he focuses on the works of Aeschylus to examine the close relationship between drama and politics at the beginning of the great age of Greek tragedy."Christian Meier has produced an outstanding new account of the politics of Athenian tragedy, interpreting political' broadly and illuminating Athenian religious ritual and theatrical experience by a systematic and subtle use of the comparative method."--Paul Cartledge, Clare College, Cambridge.

    Over 30,000 people a year are killed with guns in suicides, homicides, and accidents, and Americans use guns for defensive purposes as many as a million times a year. There is little doubt that gun violence and control are issues of vital importance, and they continue to inspire national debate. It is doubtful, however, that most gun debates are worth listening to. Not surprisingly, they generally leave their participants exactly where they began, with their biases intact, and onlookers perplexed. Written deliberately to counter an atmosphere of hysteria and extremism, Point Blank, now in paperback, offers logical argument supported by empirical information. It confronts fundamental questions head-on. On its initial publication in 1993, Point Black won the Michael J. Hindelang Award of the American Society of Criminology for the book that made the most outstanding contribution to criminology, Point Blank reports both original research and assesses existing evidence drawn from a wide variety of academic disciplines, including criminology, sociology, law, and medicine.

    Native American Studies. A definitive study of how the founders of the United states combined European, American and Indian ideas into a new political system.

    Russell, Jr., represented Georgia in the United States Senate from 1933 to 1971, a period of sweeping social change. Russell (1879-1971) was regarded by his fellow senators as the quintessential member of the Senate's establishment, and they dubbed him "a Senator's Senator" and "the Georgia Giant." So great was his popularity in Congress that Lyndon B. Johnson once said, "If the membership of the Senate were to cast a secret vote on the man they believed best qualifies to be president of the United States, they would choose Richard Russell."Gilbert Fite's masterful biography begins with Russell's upbringing in an elite Georgia family. The highly stratified and class-conscious society of his early years would later influence Russell's legislative agenda. In 1920, Russell was elected to the Georgia General Assembly, and in 1931 he became governor of Georgia. He held that office until 1933, when he began his thirty-eight years of service in the U.S. Senate.During Russell's long senatorial career, he was deeply involved in many of the most important episodes of our national life: the New Deal, World War II, the MacArthur investigation, the foreign aid debate, and the Warren Commission inquiry. His greatest contribution, according to Fite, was his fierce determination to maintain a strong national defense during the Cold War; in his sixteen years as chairman of the Armed Services Committee, he emerged as the acknowledged leader in Congress on defense matters. A career-long member of the Senate Appropriations Committee, Russell also became one of the nation's strongest advocates of farm price supports. Under his sponsorship, the Senate enacted legislation establishing the school lunch program and distribution of food to the needy.But Russell never abandoned his dedication to the South's traditional values, and he became the leader of the Southern Bloc that staunchly fought to defeat civil rights legislation and maintain the structures of segregation. Russell's unwillingness to compromise on civil rights, says Fite, meant that his career was ultimately one of regional rather than national leadership.

    Full-color photographs. Line drawings.

    Lucid and disturbing, eloquent and passionate, "Tender Mercies" is a must-read for professionals and laypeople alike!

    In each case he identifies three principal arguments invariably used: (1) the perversity thesis, whereby any action to improve some feature of the political, social, or economic order is alleged to result in the exact opposite of what was intended; (2) the futility thesis, which predicts that attempts at social transformation will produce no effects whatever--will simply be incapable of making a dent in the status quo; (3) the jeopardy thesis, holding that the cost of the proposed reform is unacceptable because it will endanger previous hard-won accomplishments. He illustrates these propositions by citing writers across the centuries from Alexis de Tocqueville to George Stigler, Herbert Spencer to Jay Forrester, Edmund Burke to Charles Murray. Finally, in a lightning turnabout, he shows that progressives are frequently apt to employ closely related rhetorical postures, which are as biased as their reactionary counterparts. For those who aspire to the genuine dialogue that characterizes a truly democratic society, Hirschman points out that both types of rhetoric function, in effect, as contraptions designed to make debate impossible. In the process, his book makes an original contribution to democratic thought.The Rhetoric of Reaction is a delightful handbook for all discussions of public affairs, the welfare state, and the history of social, economic, and political thought, whether conducted by ordinary citizens or academics.

    The issues Professor Dalton addresses in these lectures - and in Western political theory generally - fall into three sets of fundamental questions you'll get to unpack. The first set involves the essential characteristics of human nature and the good society. The second focuses on the intricate relationship between the individual and society. And the final set of questions involves theories about change.Through these lectures and their historical case studies, you'll be able to identify the fundamental questions and concerns that shape classical and modern political theory:Describe the influence of one's understanding of human nature upon one's vision of the good society.Compare and contrast the views of theorists regarding the purpose of the state, the relationship between politics and ethics, and the qualifications for exercising political power.Discuss views of leading political theorists regarding the meaning of freedom, the sources of legitimate political authority, and the obligations of individuals to the state or society, and more.

    

    At the same time, and by the same token, it is a consistent critique of the widespread and utterly fallacious belief that the problem of economic life is the creation of new and additional needs and desires for wealth, lest the production of wealth be excessive and thereby result in unemployment as it is cut back to the allegedly narrower limit constituted by the supply of consumer needs and desires.The essay shows that the supply of consumer needs and desires is virtually limitless, depending as it does on nothing more than effortless acts of imagination, such as imagining oneself enjoying mansions, yachts, and personal jet planes. In contrast, the production of wealth always depends on the far more limited range of results that can be achieved by the application of one’s arms and legs to physical reality, results that in comparison to the range of the human imagination are still severely limited even when one operates the most powerful machinery merely by pushing a few buttons and pulling a few levers.Thus, however great our physical productive power might become, the range of our imagination and its ability to find desirable uses for a still greater productive power, will always be present, rendering even the greatest productive power insufficient by comparison and thus scarce.Seen in this light, it becomes clear that there is no such thing as a problem of “creating jobs.” There is a problem of creating remunerative jobs, but not jobs. At all times, there is as much work to be done—as many potential jobs to be filled—as there are unsatisfied human desires which could be satisfied with a greater production of wealth; and as these desires are limitless, the amount of work to be done—the number of potential jobs to be filled—is also limitless. The employment of more and better machinery, therefore, does not cause unemployment. It merely allows men, to the extent that they do not prefer leisure, to produce more and thus to provide for their needs more fully and in a better way. Nor does the working of longer hours or the employment of women, children, foreigners, or people of minority races or religions deprive anyone of employment. It simply makes possible an expansion of production.The essay not only develops the positive implications for machinery and the employment of more people, but also untangles the confusions so often associated with discussions of war and destruction, population growth, advertising, and technological progress. None of these things, the essay shows, can be valuable by virtue of any form of increasing the need or desire for wealth, which are already superabundant. It shows that any actual value they may have must be by virtue of increasing the production and supply of wealth.The subject of a full Newsweek column by Henry Hazlitt, when it originally appeared, the essay is an antidote to much of the error in contemporary “macroeconomics” courses and in public opinion about economics.

    Political degeneration, operative from 1956 onwards, set off a process of progressive subversion of the economic foundations of socialism.The first part begins with a reappraisal of Prague Spring of 1968, distant harbinger of the velvet revolution. It goes on to describe the complete restoration of capitalism, in which act one was played by Poland and Hungary. The victory of peaceful counter-revolution in the latter country leads us to look again at class struggle and repression in Hungary in the years 1945-1953 and then during and after the armed uprising in Budapest in 1956. The violent political confrontation which shook Rumania at the end of 1989 and the beginning of 1990 allows a thorough insight into the mechanisms of class struggle under socialism.The second part deals with the collapse in the Soviet Union. At the end of 1989 one conclusion was acceptable: two years of glasnost had brought the Soviet Union to the edge of the abyss. In the name of anti-Stalinism, all socialist ideas were scrapped and the name of universal values, conservative ideology made its comeback. At the precise moment when bourgeois nationalism was breaking out and threatening the Soviet Union with disintegration, the country came closer to the West and, as proof of its good intentions, orchestrated a series of conservative coups in Eastern Europe.

    After a century of mass revolution, what is the fate of this elite art? Richard Kraus explores the relationship beween politics and the art of writing in China today to explicate the complex relationship between tradition and modernity in Chinese culture. His study draws upon a wide range of sources, from political documents, memoirs, and interviews with Chinese intellectuals to art exhibitions and television melodramas.Mao Zedong and other Communist leaders gave calligraphy a revolutionary role, believing that their beloved art reflected the luster of authoritative words and deeds. Calligraphy was joined with new propagandistic mass media to become less a private art and more a public performance. It provided politically engaged citizens with subtle cues to changing power relationships in the People's Republic.Claiming neither that the Communists obliterated traditional culture nor that revolution failed to relieve the burden of China's past, this study subtly examines the changing uses of tradition in a modernizing society.

    Lawrence and the terms of the GATT trade agreements?In this provocative study, Masao Miyoshi deliberately adopts an off-center perspective--one that restores the historical asymmetry of encounters between Japan and the United States, from Commodore Perry to Douglas MacArthur--to investigate the blindness that has characterized relations between the two cultures.Both nations are blinkered by complementary forms of ethnocentricity. The United States--or, more broadly, the Eurocentric West--believes its culture to be universal, while Japan believes its culture to be essentially unique. Thus American critics read and judge Japanese literature by the standards of the Western novel; Japanese politicians pay lip service to free trade while supporting protectionist policies at home and abroad.Miyoshi takes off from literature to range across culture, politics, and economics in his analysis of the Japanese and their reflections in the West; the fiction of Tanizaki, Mishima, Oe; trade negotiations; Japan bashing and America bashing; Emperor worship; Japanese feminist writing; the domination of transcribed conversation as a literary form in contemporary Japan. In his confrontation with cultural critics, Miyoshi does not spare centrists of either persuasion, nor those who refuse to recognize that the literary and the economical, the cultural and the industrial, are inseparable.Yet contentious as this book can be, it ultimately holds out, by its example, hope for a criticism that can see beyond the boundaries of national cultures--without substituting a historically false universal culture--and that examines cultural convergences from a viewpoint that remains provocatively and fruitfully off center.

    Poems specially selected by Peter Porter who captures the mood and feeling of Shelly's work for those newly interested.

    Armed with incisive wit and uncompromising candor, the authors translate the numbers into trends, provising an insightful and influential look at the future of American politics.

    

    

    Francks draws out the historical roots of the institutions and practices on which Japan's post-war economic miracle was based and provides a comparative framework within which the Japanese case can be understood and related to development in the rest of the world.New features for this edition include: textboxes summarising key concepts expanded coverage of the early-modern economy, the ‘traditional sector’, and the international context of Japanese growth an increased number of case studies fully up-dated references, glossary and bibliography. Taking a thematic approach, this textbook demonstrates how studying the first example of Asian industrialisation can provide the basis for an alternative, non-western narrative of development. As it such is an important resource for undergraduate and postgraduate courses on the Japanese economy, as well as comparative economic development and economic history more generally.

    John R.Bowen, who has lived among the Gayo shows how their successive absorption into both colonial and post-colonial states has led them to revise their ritual speaking, sung poetry, and historical narrative.