Marxist analyses tend to presuppose European models of history and experience that downplay the significance of Black people and Black communities as agents of change and resistance. Black radicalism, Robinson argues, must be linked to the traditions of Africa and the unique experiences of Blacks on Western continents, and any analyses of African American history need to acknowledge this. To illustrate his argument, Robinson traces the emergence of Marxist ideology in Europe, the resistance by Blacks in historically oppressive environments, and the influence of both of these traditions on such important twentieth-century Black radical thinkers as W. E. B. Du Bois, C. L. R. James, and Richard Wright. This revised and updated third edition includes a new preface by Tiffany Willoughby-Herard, and a new foreword by Robin D. G. Kelley.

    Marxist analyses tend to presuppose European models of history and experience that downplay the significance of black people and black communities as agents of change and resistance. Black radicalism must be linked to the traditions of Africa and the unique experiences of blacks on western continents, Robinson argues, and any analyses of African American history need to acknowledge this.To illustrate his argument, Robinson traces the emergence of Marxist ideology in Europe, the resistance by blacks in historically oppressive environments, and the influence of both of these traditions on such important twentieth-century black radical thinkers as W. E. B. Du Bois, C. L. R. James, and Richard Wright.

    Unfortunately, Marable's blistering insights into racial injustice and economic inequality remain depressingly relevant. But the good news is that Marable's prescient analysis-and his eloquent and self-critical preface to this new edition-will prove critical in helping us to think through and conquer the oppressive forces that remain."-Michael Eric Dyson, author of I May Not Get Therewith You: The True Martin Luther King, Jr."For those of us who came of political age in the 1980s, Manning Marable's How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America was one of our bibles. Published during the cold winter of Reaganism, he introduced a new generation of Black activists/thinkers to class and gender struggles within Black communities, the political economy of incarceration, the limitations of Black capitalism, and the nearly forgotten vision of what a socialist future might look like. Two decades later, Marable's urgent and hopeful voice is as relevant as ever."-Robin D.G. Kelley, author of Yo' Mama's DisFunktional!:

    And by providing the first clear analysis of the impact on women of the Right's position on abortion, homosexuality, anti-Semitism, female poverty, and antifeminism, she demonstrates how the Right attempts both to exploit and to quiet women's deepest fears. — From the reverse cover.

    In this widely acclaimed work, Benedict Anderson examines the creation and global spread of the 'imagined communities' of nationality.Anderson explores the processes that created these communities: the territorialization of religious faiths, the decline of antique kingship, the interaction between capitalism and print, the development of vernacular languages-of-state, and changing conceptions of time. He shows how an originary nationalism born in the Americas was modularly adopted by popular movements in Europe, by the imperialist powers, and by the anti-imperialist resistances in Asia and Africa.This revised edition includes two new chapters, one of which discusses the complex role of the colonialist state's mindset in the develpment of Third World nationalism, while the other analyses the processes by which, all over the world, nations came to imagine themselves as old.

    First published in the 1980s by activists with decades of experience organizing in grassroots anticapitalist struggles against white supremacy, the book soon established itself as an essential reference point for revolutionary nationalists and dissident currents within the predominantly colonialist Marxist-Leninist and anarchist movements at that time.Always controversial within the establishment Left Settlers uncovers centuries of collaboration between capitalism and white workers and their organizations, as well as their neocolonial allies, showing how the United States was designed from the ground up as a parasitic and genocidal entity. Settlers exposes the fact that America’s white citizenry have never supported themselves but have always resorted to exploitation and theft, culminating in acts of genocide to maintain their culture and way of life. As recounted in painful detail by Sakai, the United States has been built on the theft of Indigenous lands and of Afrikan labor, on the robbery of the northern third of Mexico, the colonization of Puerto Rico, and the expropriation of the Asian working class, with each of these crimes being accompanied by violence.This new edition includes “Cash & Genocide: The True Story of Japanese-American Reparations” and an interview with author J. Sakai by Ernesto Aguilar.Please note that none of the illustrations from the paperback edition are included in the digital version.

    This analysis of current events examines the wrong beliefs America has held supreme--idols that are to blame for our nation's decay--and suggests how our culture can be healed.

    7 cassettes.

    The Churchill conjured up by William Manchester and Paul Reid is a man of indomitable courage, lightning fast intellect, and an irresistible will to action. THE LAST LION brilliantly recounts how Churchill organized his nation's military response and defense; compelled FDR into supporting America's beleaguered cousins, and personified the "never surrender" ethos that helped the Allies win the war, while at the same time adapting himself and his country to the inevitable shift of world power from the British Empire to the United States. More than twenty years in the making, THE LAST LION presents a revelatory and unparalleled portrait of this brilliant, flawed, and dynamic leader. This is popular history at its most stirring.

    It is a personal critical perspective on contemporary civilization and society. The work defined anarcho-primitivism for the first time, and was a major source of inspiration for anti-civilization perspectives in contemporary anarchism, most notably on the thought of philosopher John Zerzan. In 2006 the book was translated into French under the title Contre le Léviathan, contre sa légende and into Turkish as Er-Tarih’e Karşı, Leviathan’a Karşı.

    Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru who had never used the term in his pre-independence writings or speeches, simply picked up a prestigious world form the Western political parlance and made it mean the opposite of what it meant in the West. The outcome of this perversion proved disastrous for the newly independent nation, as became more than obvious in due course. In pre-independent India, the 'Muslim minority' had exercised a veto on who was to be hailed as 'nationalist' and who was to be denounced as 'Hindu communalist'. Now the same 'minority' reacquired the same veto on who was to be applauded as 'secularist' and who was to be hounded out as 'communalist'. In short, the term 'secularism' in the post-independence period has been and remains no more than a euphemism for Hindu-baiting. The word 'India's' instead of 'Indian' has been used in the title of this book because there is nothing Indian about Nehruvian Secularism. In fact, the term 'secularism' in its original Western sense had remained unknown to Indian political parlance because Indians had never envisaged or experienced a theocratic dispensation before the advent of Islam and its state apparatus in this country. Even today, traditional Indian scholars do not understand what theocracy means, and how Secularism in the Western sense stands opposed to it. And this 'secularism' has not been defined as Nehruvian because it is shared in common by all political parties.

    Once called "alarmist," Bagdikian's claims are uncanny and chilling in their accuracyl This much-needed sixth edition follows up on the digital revolution, revealing startling details of a new communications cartel within the United States.

    Winner of the Christopher Award, this collection highlights the work and vision of a challenging and inspiring religious figure of recent history -- a woman whose tireless efforts to live Christ's gospel among the poor gave her unparalleled insights into the meaning of the over-used term "social justice".Jim ForestThere is no better introduction to (the writings of) Dorothy Day or any book that better reflects the wide borders of her interests, the depth of her soul, and her skill as a writer.

    On the contrary, Hindu society will henceforward process and evaluate the heritage of these creeds and ideologies in terms of its own categories of thought, and find out the real worth of Christian, Islamic, Communist, and Modernist Claims. The first need of the hour, therefor, is for Hindus to become aware of the fundamentals of their own faith (Hindu Spirituality), the premises on which their own society has evolved (Hindu Sociology), and the vicissitudes which their own society has experienced in the march of Time (Hindu History). These are the three domains in which the Hindu image has been distorted to the utmost by imperialist thought systems, resulting in a deep sense of inferiority from which Hindus suffer at present.

    Studies in Platonic Political Philosophy was well underway at the time of Leo Strauss's death in 1973. Having chosen the title for the book, he selected the most important writings of his later years and arranged them to clarify the issues in political philosophy that occupied his attention throughout his life. As his choice of title indicates, the heart of Strauss's work is Platonism—a Platonism that is altogether unorthodox and highly controversial. These essays consider, among others, Heidegger, Husserl, Nietzsche, Marx, Moses Maimonides, Machiavelli, and of course Plato himself to test the Platonic understanding of the conflict between philosophy and political society. Strauss argues that an awesome spritual impoverishment has engulfed modernity because of our dimming awareness of that conflict. Thomas Pangle's Introduction places the work within the context of the entire Straussian corpus and focuses especially on Strauss's late Socratic writings as a key to his mature thought. For those already familiar with Strauss, Pangle's essay will provoke thought and debate; for beginning readers of Strauss, it provides a fine introduction. A complete bibliography of Strauss's writings if included.

    Prior to the nineteenth century, the boundaries of a state were determined by conquest, coercion, rulers, and princes; the people had nothing to say in the matter. A nation, composed of persons speaking the same language and to a large extent sharing the same culture, was an essentially neutral concept, in no way incompatible with a liberal economy, individual freedom, democracy, and the right of self-determination. Yet this peaceful nationalism gave way to militarism, international conflict, and war. Why?Nations, like individuals, learn from experience. The largely liberal movement for a “greater Germany,” composed of Germany, German-Austria, and scattered enclaves of German nationals in neighboring countries, was frustrated by the state in the form of the Kingdom of Prussia, which became the German Empire, and the Hapsburg Empire of Austria-Hungary. Essential to Mises’s concept of a classical liberal economy is the absence of interference by the state. Under the chancellorship of Bismarck, the essentially reactionary German state became increasingly intrusive in every aspect of the nation—economic, social, and of course political. As the German state sought to become stronger by forcefully acquiring additional territory, German nationalism became increasingly militaristic and imperialistic, leading to international conflict and war. In World War I, Germany and its allies were overpowered by the Allied Powers in population, economic production, and military might. Because Germany needed imports to survive, much less to wage war, and was cut off from foreign suppliers, its defeat was inevitable.Mises believed that Germany should not seek revenge for the “fetters . . . forced upon German development by the peace of Versailles.” Rather, his theme throughout this book is that Germany should adopt liberal ideas and a free market economy by expanding the international division of labor, which would help all parties. “For us and for humanity,” Mises wrote, “there is only one salvation: return to rationalistic liberalism.” Ludwig von Mises (1881–1973) was the leading spokesman of the Austrian School of Economics throughout most of the twentieth century. He earned his doctorate in law and economics from the University of Vienna in 1906. In 1926, Mises founded the Austrian Institute for Business Cycle Research. From 1909 to 1934, he was an economist for the Vienna Chamber of Commerce. Before the Anschluss, in 1934 Mises left for Geneva, where he was a professor at the Graduate Institute of International Studies until 1940, when he emigrated to New York City. From 1948 to 1969, he was a visiting professor at New York University.Bettina Bien Greaves is a former resident scholar, trustee, and longtime staff member of the Foundation for Economic Education. She has written and lectured extensively on topics of free market economics. Her articles have appeared in such journals as Human Events, Reason, and The Freeman: Ideas on Liberty. A student of Mises, Greaves has become an expert on his work in particular and that of the Austrian School of economics in general. She has translated several Mises monographs, compiled an annotated bibliography of his work, and edited collections of papers by Mises and other members of the Austrian School.

    

    

    

    . . a wonderfully vivid writer . . . He reaches the parts that others do not reach.”—Richard Davy, The Times“The best single account of what happened—and why.”—NewsweekThe definitive account of Solidarity’s spectacular rise and tragic fall . . . a book to set the record straight . . . amply documented, indispensable.”—John Darnton, New York Times Book ReviewA brilliant eyewitness and analyst, Timothy Garton Ash in this book offers a gripping account of the Polish shipyard workers who defied their communist rulers in 1980. He describes the emergence of the improbable leader Lech Walesa, the ensuing tumult that culminated in martial law, and—for this updated edition—the fate of the Solidarity movement in subsequent years.

    Clear, comprehensive, practical advice providesprisoners with everything they need to know on conditions of confinement, civil liberties in prison, procedural due process, the legal system, how to litigate, conducting effective legal research, and writing legal documents. Written by two legal and penitentiary experts with intimate knowledge ofprisoner's rights and legal aid work, authors John Boston and Daniel E. Manville strategically focus on federal constitutional law, providing prisoners and those wishing to assist them with the most important information concerning legal rights.Over the past decade, prison law and conditions have changed significantly. This new edition is updated to include the most relevant prisoners' rights topics and approaches to litigation. Updates include all aspects of prison life as well as material on legal research, legal writing, types of legalremedies, and how to effectively use those remedies.Certainly the most authoritative, well-organized and relevant prisoner's rights manual available - - the eagerly awaited fourth edition should be purchased by everyone interested in civil rights for the incarcerated.

    A decade later, he was expelled from the Central Committee and imprisoned for nine years. His inside account of a revolution gone awry is a painful, passionate book of bitter truths. Index.

    At the time cameras and reporters were present. But how much more would we have learned if we could have traveled the globe with Richard Nixon and met privately with others who have shaped the modern world?Richard Nixon knew virtually every major foreign leader since World War II—some at the pinnacle of power, some during their “years in the wilderness” out of power, and still others toward the end of their lives. His was an unparalleled opportunity to gain insight into the nature of the powerful and qualities of leadership.In Leaders, Nixon shares these insights and experiences. He illustrates these leaders in private, assesses their careers, recalls words of wisdom, and brings to bear his own judgments. We meet the co-architects of the New Japan, Douglas MacArthur and Shigeru Yoshida. Encountering the legendary leaders of China—Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and Chiang Kai-shek—we see the men behind the events. We see the intensely private Charles DeGaulle; explore the philosophies of Konraud Adenauer; confront Leonid Brezhnev; and delight in the company of Winston Churchill—not to mention Nixon’s analyses of interactions with dozens of other leaders.No one but Richard Nixon could have written this book. It is at once as personal as a handclasp and as objective as only so earnest a student of history could have made it.

    The author's objective is to enlighten Americans on "the history of weapons systems and tactics, with special reference to the influence that these have had on political life and the stability of political arrangements"

    

    Mosher, lived and worked in rural China in late 1979 and early 1980.  His shocking revelations about conditions there have earned him the condemnation of the Beijing (Peking) government, which denounces him as a "foreign spy."

    Joseph Sobran writes about all of them (and much more) in this book. Now considered one of the nation’s most brilliant critics (William F. Buckley, Jr. HAS called Sobran “unquestionably the wittiest, most trenchant yet, finally, lyrical—moralist to have appeared in my time”) he has been writing many of his finest essays for The Human Life Review since it began in 1975. They demonstrate a broad range of knowledge, imagination, and penetrating insight that has brought Sobran acclaim even from those who do not agree with his “strong opinions, strongly held.” This is his first published collection of essays.

    

    

    Powerful illustrations may be found in the fact that, for instance, Hitler's "Final Solution" appeared "reasonable" once the Jews were successfully labelled by the Nazis as sub-humans, "parasites," "vermin," or "bacilli." So, too, the subjugation of the American Indian was "defensible" since they were defined as "barbarians" and "savages." The author of this engrossing text that was originally published in 1974 by Public Affairs Press successfully identifies and critically comments on the racist, sexist, and ethnic slurs still predominant in society today, with the hope that this decadence will be cured. Winner of the 1983 George Orwell Award from the Committee on Doublespeak of the NCTE.

    

    paperback edition, spring 2006. Reprint of the 1984 edition with a new, extensive introduction by the author."A comprehensive and tolerant study, devoid of jargon....Calder, a historian at the University of Illinois at Chicago, fairly describes the mixed results of the occupation.... Some readers may disagree with Mr. Calder's assessment of the occupation's long-term costs - Dominican hostility to the United States and, less directly, the Trujillo regime that began in 1930 - but this is nevertheless an excellent study." - The New York Times Book Review

    This book contains the complete scripts of all five plays from the original TV drama series, clearly organised for reading or studying in class, with an introduction and suggestions for related work.

    

    Describing a generation of radicals, this is a book about Canadian communists.

    

    

    With an introduction by Steve Clark.

    

    

    Kirk leads us to a better understanding of “the purest man” of the Latin race and one of the most underrated political thinkers of modern times.As a scholarly statement, Kirk’s work contributes to a necessary reappraisal of Marti; it is a quest after the true esencia martiana—the essence of Marti’s sociopolitical thought.  Kirk deliberately departs from a strictly theoretical viewpoint in his well-documented synthesis of Marti’s theories.  The result is partially an explanation for the Cuban leader’s continued exaltation as the “apostle” of modern political movements of both the right and the left.Kirk reviews the formative experiences of Marti’s youth through his letters and early literary endeavors to his deportation to Spain before the age of eighteen.  Marti’s observations from his travels on the realities of North American democracy and the struggles of Latin American nations to emerge from colonialism are used by Kirk to trace Marti’s sociopolitical development, culminating in his aspirations for Cuba following its independence from Spain.Kirk clarifies Marti’s visionary but quite specific designs for the moral foundation, social, political, and economic structures and policies of the liberated republic—concepts that Marti would have attempted to implement had he not been killed by Spanish forces.Marti’s own words, here translated by Kirk, show a wise and compassionate leader dedicated to the welfare of all peoples.

    

    This book recounts many of his profound and twisted misunderstandings which in some cases became wrong-headed public policy and accepted truth. While humorous, it is astounding to realize how much he managed to charm and cow the press into going along with his fantasy world. If this book appears too stridently anti-Reagan, see Lou Cannon's superb Reagan biography President Reagan: The Role Of A Lifetime which takes a measured view but nonetheless calls attention to the fantasy aspect of Reagan's take on the U.S. and the world.

    Telling a tragic and important story, Vietnam War veterans who were exposed to Agent Orange chronicle their discovery of the cause of serious illnesses within their ranks and birth defects among their children, as well as their long battle with a government that refused to listen to their complaints.

    If you read one book about nuclear energy, this should be the one. In twenty-one provocative essays, those who have shaped the course of nuclear power substantiate their views and set forth refutations of their opponents' views.

    

    

    

    A simplified work was needed to present and explain these international law treaties to an ever-increasing number of readers. In this study, the author, Jean de Preux, comments briefly on the main provisions of the Conventions and their Additional Protocols, brings out their meaning and specifies the relevant articles. For easy reference, an index is included at the end of the book.

    Policy-makers are in a dilemma, for every prescription has its negative: monetarism - unemployment Keynesianism - inflation and the planned economy - authoritarianism. This dilemma, the author argues, stems from a distortion in our understanding of how the industrial economy works, a distortion he traces back to Adam Smith.Adam Smith provided the captains of industry with a theoretical framework and moral justification for the new mode of production which sprang from the Industrial Revolution. He believed he was setting out the rules for a free market system but, inconsistently, he granted landowners an exemption enabling them to exert a monopoly influence on the market which remains to this day.The Marxist critique blames the capitalist for the ills of the system, yet Marx himself acknowledged that the power of the owners of capital rested on the power inherent in land. Both Marx and Smith recognized the special role of landowners who, in the words of J.S.Mill, "grow richer in their sleep without working, risking or economizing", but neither pursued the macro-economic implications and, if anything, covered them up.The author looks at the implications: the conflict between labour and capital is a false one that obstructs a rational strategy for rescuing the Western economy the origins of the collapse of the 1980s are to be found in land speculation this exploitation of the unique power, intrinsic to land, gives rise to inner city decay, urban sprawl, misallocation of resources, mass unemployment and the meteoric rise of property values.The major industrial nations enter the1990s in the midst of land booms offering riches for a few but unemployment for many: banks in Texas have been bankrupted by massive speculation in real estate and even embassies have had to abandon their offices because they could not afford the rents in Tokyo. In Britain, the spoils from housing - the direct result of the way the land market operates - have enriched owner-occupiers but crippled the flow of workers into regions where entrepreneurs wanted to invest and lead the economy back to full employment.Thus, it is the author's thesis that land speculation is the major cause of depressions. He shows how the land market functions to distort the relations between labour and capital and how land speculation periodically chokes off economic expansion, causing stagnation.The remedy proposed by the author is a fiscal one which would remove the disruptive factor of land speculation and transfer the burden of taxes from labour and capital to economic rent, a publicly created revenue. This would create employment and higher growth rates, while avoiding the inflation-risk policy of deficit financing increased consumption and investment would be generated by the private sector, not goverment.

    It explores social relations and politics, presenting a critique of contemporary socioeconomic systems and discussions on the Marxist Doctrine of Transition. The book is intended to meet Robert Heilbroner's request.

    

    The resulting historical perspective, Joe Moore contends, seriously distorts reality. Drawing on essential and unmined data, including national archive records of the early Occupation, Moore unmasks an agitated, divided, and potentially explosive Japan in the years immediately following World War II.

    It has firmly established itself as the definitive guide to the electoral map of the UK for nearly twenty-five years, covering in detail each of the constituencies sending representatives to the House of Commons.Its comprehensive coverage provides a witty and informative biographical profile of every Member of Parliament and a detailed social, demographic, economic and political analysis with statistics of seats to give the clearest picture of the British social and political landscape in the twenty-first century.This is the essential reference work on British politics for students, academics, journalists and psephologists.

    All the stars have a go - includes essays by William Morris, Kropotkin, Lewis Mumford, Cliff Harper, Bertrand Russell, Colin Ward etc.

    This meditation ranges from the problematic effects of a defect in language to actual historical experiments in community. The latter involves the life and work of George Bataille whose concerns (e.g. “the negative community”) occupy the foreground of Blanchot’s discussion. Taking as his point of departure an essay by French philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy, Blanchot appears once again as one of the most attentive readers of what is truly challenging in French thought. His deep interest in the fiction of Marguerite Duras extends this inquiry to include “The Community of Lovers,” emerging from certain themes in Duras’ recit, The Malady of Death. As Blanchot’s first direct treatment of a subject that has long figured in or behind his work, this small but highly concentrated book stands as an important addition to his own contribution to literary, philosophical, social, and political thought, figuring as it does at the center of the emerging concern for a redefinition of politics and community. Readers of Blanchot know not to expect answers to the great questions that move his thought – rather, to live with the questions at the new level to which they have been raised in his discourse.

    

    It is suitable for students and teachers of American political thought.

    This title includes an annotated bibliography of five hundred additional items for future reference.

    Its unique range indicates the scope of the Scottish intellectual achievement of the eighteenth century and explores the process by which the boundaries between economic thought, jurisprudence, moral philosophy and theoretical history came to be established.Dealing not only with major figures like Hume and Smith, there are also studies of lesser known thinkers like Andrew Fletcher, Gershom Carmichael, Lord Kames and John Millar as well as of Locke in the light of eighteenth century social theory, the intellectual culture of the University of Edinburgh in the middle of the eighteenth century and of the performance of the Scottish economy on the eve of the publication of the Wealth of Nations. While the scholarly emphasis is on the rigorous historical reconstruction of both theory and context, Wealth and Virtue directly addresses itself to modern political theorists and economists and throws light on a number of major focal points of controversy in legal and political philosophy.

    Volkskapitalisme (the nationalist term for Afrikaner capital) analyses the development of Afrikaner nationalism from the early thirties to the election victory of the Nationalist Party in 1948. The book sets out to refute the commonly held belief that the nationalist policies of apartheid are simply the product of 'irrational' racial ideology. Dan O'Meara examines here for the first time the relationship between the emergence of 'Afrikaner' capital in the so-called Economic Movement of the 1940s and the political and ideological forms of development of Afrikaner nationalism. During these years, far from being a monolithic movement of an ethnically mobilised group, Afrikaner nationalism emerged as an alliance of conflicting class forces. Dan O'Meara's examination of the development of Afrikaner capital and the interplay of ideology, class and economic interests in Afrikaner nationalism is essential reading for all concerned with past political struggles in southern Africa.

    

    Ronald Reagan had run with the endorsement of David Duke and the KKK and was in the second year of his presidency. A powerful anti-Klan demonstration took over the streets of Washington on Nov. 27, 1982, and drove them out. Below is an excerpt from the foreword to the book “The Klan and the Government: Foes or Allies?” The book is a collection of articles by Sam Marcy, the founder of Workers World Party, written in the midst of the ­struggle to smash the Klan. It can be read online at www.workers.org/marcy/klan/.

    

    

    Its purpose is neither to cover all the areas of Marxist research nor to survey alternative Marxist perspectives or schools. Rather the volume assembles nine examples of the most interesting work being done today by younger sociologists who are seriously pursuing the rich and provocative arguments to be found in the ongoing Marxist tradition. All contributions build upon or react to Marxist theoretical perspectives. They employ such diverse research techniques as participant observation, statistical analysis, interviewing, and the examination of archives of public documents. Among the topics covered: – the economic bases of state policies and their determination by social and political struggles; –  the politcal reshaping of international economic order; – industrial work in relation to other institutions (such as education, patriarchy, and citizenship); – the transformation of class structures in capitalist and state-socialist societies. Published as a supplement to American Journal of Sociology, these studies constitute essential reading both for those sociologists who see Marxism as a powerful framework for understanding capitalist societies and for those who may not be committed to working within the Marxist tradition but nevertheless want to see Marxist hypotheses fully researched and debated.

    Many are obscure pieces that were previously available only in larger research libraries. But all illuminate the founding of the American republic and are essential reading for students and teachers of American political thought. The second volume includes an annotated bibliography of five hundred additional items for future reference. The subjects covered in this rich assortment of primary material range from constitutionalism, representation, and republicanism to freedom of the press, religious liberty, and slavery. Among the more noteworthy items reprinted, all in their entirety, are Stephen Hopkins, "The Rights of the Colonies Examined" (1764); Richard Bland, "An Inquiry into the Rights of the British Colonies" (1766); John Adams, "Thoughts on Government" (1776); Theophilus Parsons, "The Essex Result" (1778); James Madison, "Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments" (1785); James Kent, "An Introductory Lecture to a Course of Law Lectures" (1794); Noah Webster, "An Oration on the Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence" (1802); and James Wilson, "On Municipal Law" (1804). Charles S. Hyneman was Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Indiana University before his death in 1984. He was a past president of the American Political Science Association. Donald S. Lutz is Professor of Political Science at the University of Houston.

    Describes the lives of Spanish women who joined the early Spanish settlers in Peru and compares colonial life and customs with those they experienced in Spain.

    Calling Christians to be true to God's shalom in all dimensions of life, philosopher Nicholas Wolterstorff brings the religious vision of the Reformation to bear on such urgent matters as world poverty, nationalism, urban ugliness, and the tragedy of liturgy in Protestantism.

    

    The author demonstrates that the "received wisdom" in labor law, which is that decisions are based on analyses of the rational implications of statutory policy, language, or legislative history, fails to account for the actual history of decision-making, particularly the interpretation of the Wagner Act of 1935 that established collective bargaining and the National Labor Relations Board. Through close interpretation, Atleson shows the legal decisions that have been reached are better explained by such factors as notional of inherent property rights, the need for capital mobility, and the interest in continued productivity.

    As a premier, he led a government that pioneered caring reforms like Medicare. Returning to federal political life, he became the first leader of the New Democratic Party in 1961. With political success, Tommy Douglas won something infinitely more difficult--the love and respect of ordinary Canadians, including many of his political opponents.Based on Doris Shackleton's close collaboration with her subject, Tommy Douglas is a vivid account of the man and the political movement he helped found.

    

    In the South, socioeconomic backwardness was matched by the persistence of traditional forms of political behaviour - a politics based primarily on personal ties and patronage rather than on broader bonds of interest or ideology. This study seeks to understand the sources of popular support for clientelism in a resource-scarce society such as southern Italy. It analyses the dynamics of continuity and change in a political system based primarily on clientelism rather than on broader bonds of interest or ideology. The author explores the concrete patronage mechanisms linking the dominant party to each of the major social groups in the city - ranging from the urban poor to the Mafia. By contrast, the sections on Naples address the question of the conditions under which political machines may have lost their mass base of support.

    

    Haldeman, II• The Technological Problem Game by G. Harry Stine• Solving Problems by William Thompson• The Reference Library by Thomas A. Easton •   Review: The Windhover Tapes: Fize of the Gabriel Ratchets by Warren Norwood by Thomas A. Easton •   Review: Sector General by James White by Thomas A. Easton •   Review: For Love of Mother-Not by Alan Dean Foster by Thomas A. Easton•   Review: The Unforsaken Hiero by Sterling Lanier by Thomas A. Easton •   Review: The Alien Upstairs by Pamela Sargent by Thomas A. Easton •   Review: The Mechanical God: Machines in Science Fiction by Thomas P. Dunn and Richard D. Erlich by Thomas A. Easton•   Review: J. R. R. Tolkien: A Critical Biography by Deborah Webster Rogers and Ivor A. Rogers by Thomas A. Easton•   Review: Formula Fiction? An Anatomy of American Science Fiction, 1930-1940 by Frank Cioffi by Thomas A. Easton • The New Untouchables (Part 2 of 2) by Joseph H. Delaney• Expanded Charter by Timothy Zahn• Calendar of Upcoming Events by Anthony R. Lewis