She should be heard." —The New York TimesAngela Davis provides a powerful history of the social and political influence of whiteness and elitism in feminism, from abolitionist days to the present, and demonstrates how the racist and classist biases of its leaders inevitably hampered any collective ambitions. While Black women were aided by some activists like Sarah and Angelina Grimke and the suffrage cause found unwavering support in Frederick Douglass, many women played on the fears of white supremacists for political gain rather than take an intersectional approach to liberation. Here, Davis not only contextualizes the legacy and pitfalls of civil and women's rights activists, but also discusses Communist women, the murder of Emmitt Till, and Margaret Sanger's racism. Davis shows readers how the inequalities between Black and white women influence the contemporary issues of rape, reproductive freedom, housework and child care in this bold and indispensable work.

    It is a fascinating diary... It is shorter than Barbara Castle's... and although it is rather more accurate than Dick Crossman's, itis distinctly funnier' - Lord Allen of Abbeydale (formerlyPermanent Secretary at the Home Office) in The Times'It has an entertainment and educational value which isunique. It is uproariously funny and passes the acid test ofbecoming more amusing at every subsequent reading... I willgo so far as to claim that in the characters of Jim Hacker andSir Humphrey Appleby, Messrs Lynn and Jay have createdsomething as immortal as P.G. Wodehouse's Bertie Woosterand Jeeves' - Brian Walden in The Standard

    The truth is that the solutions have been available for a long time -- in the writings of our Founding Fathers -- carefully set forth in this timely book.In The 5000 Year Leap: A Miracle That Changed the World, Discover the 28 Principles of Freedom our Founding Fathers said must be understood and perpetuated by every people who desire peace, prosperity, and freedom. Learn how adherence to these beliefs during the past 200 years has brought about more progress than was made in the previous 5000 years. These 28 Principles include The Genius of Natural Law, Virtuous and Moral Leaders, Equal Rights--Not Equal Things, and Avoiding the Burden of Debt. Published by the National Center for Constitut

    The Language of African Literature2. The Language of African Theatre3. The Language of African Fiction4. The Quest for RelevanceIndex

    Murray N. Rothbard's classic The Ethics of Liberty stands as one of the most rigorous and philosophically sophisticated expositions of the libertarian political position.What distinguishes Rothbard's book is the manner in which it roots the case for freedom in the concept of natural rights and applies it to a host of practical problems. An economist by profession, Rothbard here proves himself equally at home with philosophy. And while his conclusions are radical--that a social order that strictly adheres to the rights of private property must exclude the institutionalized violence inherent in the state--his applications of libertarian principles prove surprisingly practical for a host of social dilemmas, solutions to which have eluded alternative traditions.The Ethics of Liberty authoritatively established the anarcho-capitalist economic system as the most viable and the only principled option for a social order based on freedom. This edition is newly indexed and includes a new introduction that takes special note of the Robert Nozick-Rothbard controversies.

    He calls for a massive movement-in government, law, and all of life-to reestablish our Judeo-Christian foundation and turn the tide of moral decadence and loss of freedom.A Christian Manifesto is literally a call for Christians to change the course of history-by returning to biblical Truth and by allowing Christ to be Lord in all of life.

    He was world-famous by the time of his death, having being elected to the British Parliament while on hunger strike. In prison, Sands secretly wrote on toilet paper and cigarette papers, writings that were smuggled out of prison. With dry humour they chart in prose and poetry of one man's attempt to preserve his identity while enduring terrible prison conditions. Writings from Prison has become a classic.

    He writes, "The Children's Story came into being that day. It was then that I really realized how vulnerable my child's mind was —any mind, for that matter—under controlled circumstances. Normally I write and rewrite and re-rewrite, but this story came quickly—almost by itself. Barely three words were changed. It pleases me greatly because I kept asking the questions…Questions like, What's the use of 'I pledge allegiance' without understanding? Like Why is it so easy to divert thoughts? Like What is freedom? and Why is so hard to explain?The Children's Story keeps asking me all sorts of questions I cannot answer. Perhaps you can—then your child will...."

    Croix provides a new and insightful account of the major institutions, social groups, and historical developments of some 1,400 years of Greco-Roman civilization,... and the result... is not only one of the finest studies on classical society to date but also a major contribution to historical sociology." ~ American Journal of Sociology "A landmark in the field of ancient history.... The ancient historian who fails to consult it will do so at his peril." ~ Bernard Knox, The New Republic "This book is one of the most exciting, provocative, and challenging works on ancient history to have appeared in recent times and is of immense importance to all historians of the Graeco-Roman world.... Because of the great wealth of insights brought to bear on a multiplicity of topics, no one in the future will be able to neglect the book and its major theme, the exploitation by a propertied elite of the bulk of the ancient population." ~ American Journal of Philology

    In this classic work, now updated, the author of Culture and Imperialism reveals the hidden agendas and distortions of fact that underlie even the most "objective" coverage of the Islamic world.

    "An Islamic guerilla leader's unique record of a liberation struggle" (Crescent International-Toronto)

    In that sense, it is the perfect conversation starter, and it could inspire more reading and activism for sound money. Author Ron Paul has been the leading champion of sound money in the Congress. He explains why sound money has meant the gold standard. The monograph is written in the clearest possible terms with the goal of explaining the basics of paper money and its effects of inflation, business cycles, and government growth. He maps out a plan to bring about a dollar that is as good as gold, one that would be protected against manipulation by government and central bankers. Part of that strategy is the minting of a new gold one but the more far-reaching plan involves a redefinition of the dollar and complete monetary competition. This monograph first appeared in 1981, and it has been in wide distribution ever since. But we've never had an edition this beautiful, this affordable, and this handy.

    In this acclaimed work, Gilder offers an illuminating discussion of how to increase wealth and curtail poverty, arguing that most welfare programs only serve to keep the poor in poverty as victims of welfare dependency.

    

    It sets out the thesis for which he became famous: religion is the key of history.The book makes two parallel arguments. First, Dawson argues that religion is, and should be treated as, a separate category of human experience. Second, Dawson claims that religion has a unique place in human culture and has defined and developed different cultures in identifiable ways. Without understanding both premises, he argues,one cannot understand cultural development.Drawing on his profound and sympathetic reading in anthropology, sociology, comparative religion and the literatures of Western and non-Western cultures, Dawson seeks to bridge the gap between religion and the sciences through the tradition of natural theology. His approach respects the natural sciences and their power to plumb the mysteries of the natural world, while recognizing that they cannot, alone, explain religious intimations of the transcendent.Religion and Culture was written and published in a time not unlike our own, when the very distinctiveness of religious experience has been denigrated, and religious belief is considered in some circles as an atavistic holdover. And yet, the existence of a purely technocratic culture and its ability to embody and transmit moral or cultural norms remains in doubt. Dawson, who in his day was respected well outside Catholic circles, is an important voice in this continuing debate.

    Shaw to J.P. Sartre, and. closer to home, from Edmund Wilson to Susan Sontag- admire various communist systems, often in their most repressive historical phases? How could Stalin's Soviet Union, Mao's China, or Castro's Cuba appear at one time as both successful modernizing societies and the fulfillments of the boldest dreams of social justice? Why, at the same time, had these intellectuals so mercilessly judged and rejected their own Western, liberal cultures? What Impulses and beliefs prompted them to seek the realization of their ideals in distant, poorly known lands? How do their journeys fit into long-standing Western traditions of looking for new meaning In the non-Western world?These are some of the questions Paul Hollander sought to answer In his massive study that covers much of our century. His success is attested by the fact that the phrase "political pilgrim" has become a part of intellectual discourse. Even in the post-communist era the questions raised by this book remain relevant as many Western, and especially American intellectuals seek to come to terms with a world which offers few models of secular fulfillment and has tarnished the reputation of political Utopias. His new and lengthy introduction updates the pilgrimages and examines current attempts to find substitutes for the emotional and political energy that used to be invested in them.

    

    Quigley explains how these men worked in union to begin their society to control the world. He explains how all the wars from that time were deliberately created to control the economies of all the nations.

    

    It is a story too little known, and Angus, to his credit, has done much to rectify that imbalance."-William Rodney, author of Soldiers of the International, in The Globe & MailCanadian communism did not spring out of the ground suddenly at the end of World War I, and it was not smuggled into the country by Russian agents. The men and women who built the new movement were long-time socialist and labour militants in Canada. Inspired by the Russian Revolution and by their own experiences as leaders of the post-war labour revolt in Canada, they set about to create a new kind of party, one that could lead the fight for workers' power.The new Communist Party, formed between 1919 and 1921, quickly became the largest party on the left, with strong roots and influence in the unions and basic industry. Its members led heroic strikes. They fought for labor unity, and engaged in united electoral activity with other currents in the workers movement. They were in the forefront of the struggle for democratic rights.Ten years later, the party was destroyed. Most of its founding leaders were expelled, and three quarters of its membership dropped out. The Communist Party abandoned the program it had adopted in its early years, and turned its back on its principles.The organization still called itself Communist, but it was now "Tim Buck's Party." It had been transformed from a revolutionary party into an agent of the new ruling caste in Moscow. In Canadian Bolsheviks, Ian Angus describes and explains the first attempt to build a Leninist party on Canadian soil, showing why it succeeded so well at first, and why it ultimately failed. The Second Edition of a book that has been widely hailed as a path breaking work, "the best yet to appear" on the origins of Canadian communism.

    This paperback edition contains a new greatly expanded bibliography of Habermas's work.

    One of the completely new pieces, "Freedom of Expression," was written for the campaign to try to save Ken Saro-Wiwa and seven other writers from execution in Nigeria. He has rewritten almost all of the other pieces which have been kept.Ngugi says "It seemed to me how ironic the title "Writers in Politics" had turned out to be. In re-issuing these essays I didn't want to lose that nexus between culture and power which had been captured by the title."

    This classic was written by Rabbi Kahane in 1980 while he was serving a prison sentence in Israel for essentially warning his people about the very dangers they are today experiencing! The book outlines the problem posed by the Israeli-Arab minority, the failure of successive governments to solve the problem, and the one solution.

    Storing’s work includes introductions to each entry, along with his own consideration of the Anti-Federalist thought. This new three-volume set includes all the contents of the original seven-volume publication in a convenient, manageable format. “A work of magnificent scholarship. Publication of these volumes is a civic event of enduring importance.”—Leonard W. Levy, New York Times Book Review

    

    At the time Jameson was actually writing the book, in the mid to late seventies, there was a major reaction against deconstruction and poststructuralism. As one of the most significant literary theorists, Jameson found himself in the unenviable position of wanting to defend his intellectual past yet keep an eye on the future. With this book he carried it off beautifully. A landmark publication, The Political Unconscious takes its place as one of the most meaningful works of the twentieth century.

    An examination and interpretation of the development of modern prisons in England and Europe from 1550 to 1850, a study of Italian prison development, and of American prisons from colonial times to 1930.

    This study of prison reform adds a new chapter to the history of women's struggle for justice in America

    It has now been rewritten, drawing on a wide range of new research, and updated to take account of the period following the end of the cold war, taking the story to contemporary arguments about missile defense.

    

    

    

    Her assignment was to gather information about the day-to-day toll the Depression was exacting on individual citizens. One Third of a Nation is her record, underscored by the eloquent photographs of Dorothea Lange, Walker Evans, and others, of the shocking plight of millions of unemployed and dispossessed Americans.

    Several rounds of enthusiastic applause, then, are due Jane Mansbridge . . . for having produced a dense and well written book whose subject is nothing less ambitious than the theory of democracy and its problems of equality, solidarity, and consensus. Beyond Adversary Democracy, however, is not simply a work of political theory; Mansbridge explores her abstract subject matter by close studies (using ethnographic, documentary, and questionnaire methods) of two small actual democracies operating at their most elemental American levels (1) a New England town meeting ("Selby," Vermont) and (2) an urban crisis center ("Helpline"), whose 41 employees shared a New Left-Counterculture belief in participatory democracy and consensual decision-making. [Mansbridge] is a force to contend with. It is in our common interest that she be widely read."—Bennett M. Berger, Contemporary Sociology

    

    

    One of the twentieth century's foremost Marxian economists discusses the dialectical method, the contradictions of capitalism, and the future of Marxism.

    Attorney General Dick Thornburgh for the U.S. Senate in a 1991 special Pennsylvania election, it made national and international news, but few Pennsylvanians or Americans recognized his name.Yet Wofford had been a special assistant to President John F. Kennedy and was one of the founders of the Peace Corps.  During the decade of struggle from Montgomery to Memphis, he was and advisor to Martin Luther King, Jr.  With independent views of his own, Harris Wofford was witness from within the White House to the bright and the dark side of the Kennedy administration.  Focusing on how the politics and ideas came together to shape critical decisions, Wofford’s memoir captures the personal drama of the Kennedys and Martin Luther King as their characters were tested.  Of Kennedys and Kings not only makes sense of the sixties, but gives us a glimpse into the issues closest to the heart of one of America’s most interesting senators.Wofford’s vivid recollections and reflections shed light on the sixties and on the dramatic domestic and international politics of the era. Of Kennedys and Kings provides a timely reminder of what can be accomplished with leaders who are, with all their human feelings, committed to public service and responsible political action.

    The author begins with a polemical attack on 'conformist' or orthodox Marxism, in which he includes structuralist schools. He argues that a cult of success and science drained this Marxism of its critical impulse and that the successes of the Russian and Chinese revolutions encouraged a mechanical and fruitless mimicry. He then turns to a Western alternative that neither succumbed to the spell of success nor obliterated the individual in the name of science. In the nineteenth century, this Western Marxism already diverged from Russian Marxism in its interpretation of Hegel and its evaluation of Engels' orthodox Marxism. The author follows the evolution of this minority tradition and its opposition to authoritarian forms of political theory and practice.

    Palmer offers a compelling vision of a disciplined inward search that strengthens our commitment to our communities. Palmer reminds us that a truly profound spiritual life leads us toward the God who makes us a community.

    Ever increasing demands on the river to supply cities in the desert render this new edition all too timely. Philip Fradkin has updated this valuable book with a new preface.

    Arguing that the fundamental nature of international relations has not changed over the millennia, Professor Gilpin uses history, sociology, and economic theory to identify the forces causing change in the world order. The discussion focuses on the differential growth of power in the international system and the result of this unevenness. A shift in the balance of power - economic or military - weakens the foundations of the existing system, because those gaining power see the increasing benefits and the decreasing cost of changing the system. The result, maintains Gilpin, is that actors seek to alter the system through territorial, political, or economic expansion until the marginal costs of continuing change are greater than the marginal benefits. When states develop the power to change the system according to their interests they will strive to do so- either by increasing economic efficiency and maximizing mutual gain, or by redistributing wealth and power in their own favour.

    

    This analysis of the concept of authority in Western society constitutes a central work in political sociology and a fundamental critique of the process of modernization. Schaar proposes that legitimate authority is declining in the modern state. What were once authoritative institutions and ideas yield to technological and bureaucratic order. The latter brings physical comfort and a sense of collective power, but does not provide political liberty or moral autonomy. As a result, all modern states exhibiting this transformation of authority into technology are well advanced along the path of a crisis of legitimacy.The unifying premise behind Schaar's work is that events, institutions, and moral ideas taken together constitute modernity, and have virtually driven meaningful authority and leadership from society, replacing it with bureaucratic coordinates, automatic control, and an advertising-made charisma. Schaar also believes that the reasons why this crisis in legitimacy has not been properly perceived is in part attributable to the social sciences themselves, comprising as they do part of the metaphor of technology.

    

    

    

    

    Since the last century the United States has maintained its supremacy in the region through direct and indirect military intervention, alliances with local oligarchies and economic domination. The poverty, repression and underdevelopment which characterize the region today are part of this legacy of American economic penetration and political influence. But these conditions have led to increasing social and political unrest which, for the first time, are threatening United States control over events in its own backyard. Under The Eagle 2nd Edition traces the history and motivations of United States policy in Central America and the Caribbean, from President Monroe to President Reagan, and assesses its impact on the impoverished people of the region. It concentrates in particular on events since the Cuban revolution and includes a special focus on EI Salvador and the United States' latest attempts to suppress the struggle for social justice and self-determination of those who live Under the Eagle.

    Bauer challenges widely held views about economic development, colonialism, the foreign aid process, the goal of egalitarianism and the population explosion.

    

    

    In blaming the Labour left, rather than the social-democratic right for the party’s years in the electoral wilderness, the modernizers rejected the creativity and energy which the party’s New Left had mobilized, and without which their own professed aim of democratic renewal was unlikely to be realized.

    In his landmark study, Garbage in the Cities, Martin Melosi offered the first history of efforts begun in the Progressive Era to clean up this mess. Since it was first published, Garbage in the Cities has remained one of the best historical treatments of the subject. This thoroughly revised and updated edition includes two new chapters that expand the discussion of developments since World War I. It also offers a discussion of the reception of the first edition, and an examination of the ways solid waste management has become more federally regulated in the last quarter of the twentieth century. Melosi traces the rise of sanitation engineering, accurately describes the scope and changing nature of the refuse problem in U.S. cities, reveals the sometimes hidden connections between industrialization and pollution, and discusses the social agendas behind many early cleanliness programs. Absolutely essential reading for historians, policy analysts, and sociologists, Garbage in the Cities offers a vibrant and insightful analysis of this fascinating topic.

    Gary P. Steenson presents an introduction to the origins and development of German social democracy up to the First World War, by drawing upon protocols of the German Social Democratic Party, the party press, correspondence of leading figures, and scholarly research. Steenson also offers biographical sketches of prominent party officials, and translations of party programs and bylaws in the appendix.

    

    Although it condenses the original by half, all the chapters and major themes of the larger work have been retained, providing a masterful review of the issues before America on the eve of the Civil War.

    Four fundamental factors are emphasized: Islam, the Turks, the impact of the West, and the development of Arab political consciousness.

    

    McMahon has produced a superb scholarly reconstruction of the American role in the decolonization of Southeast Asia's most important nation. He has also illuminated Washington's persistent challenge to reconcile often-conflicting United States interests in colonialism, nationalism, and cold war. Policymakers and foreign policy theorists, as well as diplomatic historians, will find instruction in this lucidly written, tightly focused, nonpolemical, and richly documented account of the role of the United States in the Indonesian struggle for independence."—Journal of Asian Studies "Colonialism and Cold War is based on a wide range of American archival sources, most particularly the State Department and modern military records in the National Archives, on British cabinet and Foreign Office materials in the Public Record Office, and on United Nations records in the Dag Hammarskjöld Library. Robert J. McMahon is master of materials and has produced a neatly written, nicely judged, and well-argued work."—American Historical Review The disintegration of former colonial empires in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East after World War II profoundly affected the international balance of power, irrevocably altering the political map of the world. The United States was in a unique position to influence the outcome of the struggles for independence in the Third World. In Colonialism and Cold War, Robert J. McMahon looks closely at one area where American diplomacy played an important role in the end of the European imperial order: Indonesia, the archipelago that had been the jewel of the Dutch colonial empire since the early seventeenth century