Presented in the form of diaries, official documents, and letters, rather than simply transcribed scripts, this book is a companion to the successful BBC series, "Yes Prime Minister."

    Zygmunt Bauman explores the silences found in debates about the Holocaust, and asks what the historical facts of the Holocaust tell us about the hidden capacities of present-day life. He finds great danger in such phenomena as the seductiveness of martyrdom; going to extremes in the name of safety; the insidious effects of tragic memory; and the efficient, "scientific" implementation of the death penalty. Bauman writes, "Once the problem of the guilt of the Holocaust perpetrators has been by and large settled . . . the one big remaining question is the innocence of all the rest, not the least the innocence of ourselves."Among the conditions that made the mass extermination of the Holocaust possible, according to Bauman, the most decisive factor was modernity itself. Bauman's provocative interpretation counters the tendency to reduce the Holocaust to an episode in Jewish history, or to one that cannot be repeated in the West precisely because of the progressive triumph of modern civilization. He demonstrates, rather, that we must understand the events of the Holocaust as deeply rooted in the very nature of modern society and in the central categories of modern social thought.

    A collection of her speeches and writings which address the political and social changes of the past decade as they are concerned with the struggle for racial, sexual, and economic equality.

    "Speeches and interviews from the last two years of his life.

    All of these conflicts, including the hostilities between Arabs and Israelis that have flared yet again, come down, in a sense, to the extent to which the Middle East will continue to live with its political inheritance: the arrangements, unities, and divisions imposed upon the region by the Allies after the First World War.In A Peace to End All Peace, David Fromkin reveals how and why the Allies came to remake the geography and politics of the Middle East, drawing lines on an empty map that eventually became the new countries of Iraq, Israel, Jordan, and Lebanon. Focusing on the formative years of 1914 to 1922, when all-even an alliance between Arab nationalism and Zionism-seemed possible he raises questions about what might have been done differently, and answers questions about why things were done as they were. The current battle for a Palestinian homeland has its roots in these events of 85 years ago.

    His addresses at Gettysburg and at his inaugurals, his presidential messages and public lectures, are an essential record of the war and have forever shaped the nation’s memories of it. This Library of America volume collects writings from 1859 to 1865 and contains 555 speeches, messages, proclamations, letters, memoranda, and fragments. They record the words and deeds—the order to resupply Fort Sumter, the emancipation of the slaves held in the Confederacy, and proposals to offer the South generous terms of reconstruction—by which he hoped to defend and preserve the Union.The speeches and letters Lincoln wrote in 1859 and 1860 show his unyielding opposition to the spread of slavery and his canny appraisals of the upcoming election in which he was to win the presidency. His victory triggered the secession that he would oppose in his First Inaugural, with its appeal to logic, history, and “the better angels of our nature.”Lincoln’s wartime writings record the nearly overwhelming burdens of office during a fratricidal war, and the added burden of self-seeking Cabinet members, military cliques, and a bitter political opposition. He was savagely criticized both for being too harsh and for being too mild. He ordered the blockade of ports, suspended habeas corpus, jailed dissenters, and applauded Sherman’s devastating march to the sea; at the same time he granted clemency to individual Union deserters and releases to Confederate prisoners. “I expect to maintain this contest until successful,” he declared, and toward that end he was prepared, not without his characteristic drolleries, to suffer the paradoxes of leadership in a nation at war with itself. His writings here include pleas to his own party to spare him their patronage feuds and to generals that they act more resolutely in the field. The struggles that taxed his physical endurance also tempered his prose style, as evidenced in the nobility of his state papers, his sparse words at Gettysburg, and his poignant letter to Mrs. Bixby, consoling her for the deaths of her sons in battle.In a message to Congress in December 1862, Lincoln wrote of the fiery trial through which the nation was passing: “We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best, hope of earth.” By 1865, he was ready to offer the nation his view of the Almighty’s purposes and did so in his Second Inaugural Address with a beauty, clarity, and severity unsurpassed in American letters. Soon after, he fell to an assassin’s bullet, joining six hundred thousand of his countrymen killed in the war. He became part of what he called “the cherished memory of the loved and lost,” all those who had died that “this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom.”

    Thomas L. Friedman, twice winner of the Pulitzer Prize for international reporting, and now the Foreign Affairs columnist on the op-ed page of the New York Times, drew on his ten years in the Middle East to write a book that The Wall Street Journal called "a sparkling intellectual guidebook... an engrossing journey not to be missed." Now with a new chapter that brings the ever-changing history of the conflict in the Middle East up to date, this seminal historical work reaffirms both its timeliness and its timelessness. "If you're only going to read one book on the Middle East, this is it." -- Seymour Hersh

    In this new book, David Harvey seeks to determine what is meant by the term in its different contexts and to identify how accurate and useful it is as a description of contemporary experience.But the book is much more than this: in the course of his investigation the author provides a social and semantic history – from the Enlightenment to the present – of modernism and its expression in political and social ideas and movements, as well as in art, literature and architecture. He considers in particular how meaning and perception of time and space themselves vary over time and space, and shows that this variance affects individual values and social processes of the most fundamental kind.This book will be widely welcomed, not only for its clear and critical account of the arguments surrounding the propositions of modernity and postmodernity, but as an incisive contribution to the history of ideas and their relation to social and political change.

    Specific cases are illustrated in detail, using the U.S. media primarily but also media in other societies. Chomsky considers how the media might be democratized (as part of the general problem of developing more democratic institutions) in order to offer citizens broader and more meaningful participation in social and political life.

    To understand why government has grown, Robert Higgs asserts, one must understand how it has grown. This book offers a coherent, multi-causal explanation, guided by a novel analytical framework firmly grounded in historical evidence. More than a study of trends in governmental spending, taxation, and employment, Crisis and Leviathan is a thorough analysis of the actual occasions when and the specific means by which Big Government developed in the United States. Naming names and highlighting the actions of significant individuals, Higgs examines how twentieth-century national emergencies--mainly wars, depressions, and labor disturbances--have prompted federal officials to take over previously private rights and activities. When the crises passed, a residue of new governmental powers remained. Even more significantly, each great crisis and the subsequent governmental measures have gone hand in hand with reinforcing shifts in public beliefs and attitudes toward the government's proper role in American life. Integrating the contributions of scholars in diverse disciplines, including history, law, political philosophy, and the social sciences, Crisis and Leviathan makes compelling reading for all those who seek to understand the transformation of America's political economy over the past century.

    In his Introduction John Gray describes these essays as applications of Mill's doctrine of the Art of Life, as set out in A System of Logic. Using the resources of recent scholarship, he shows Mill's work to be far richer and subtler than traditional interpretations allow.

    From the sinking of the Titanic to Hitchcock’s Rear Window, from the operas of Wagner to science fiction, from Alien to the Jewish joke, Zizek’s acute analyses explore the ideological fantasies of wholeness and exclusion that make up human society.Linking key psychoanalytical and philosophical concepts to social phenomena such as totalitarianism and racism, the book explores the political significance of these fantasies of control.

    A comprehensive introduction prefaces two classic texts,

    Laying out his vision for America and the world, Speaking My Mind presents President Reagan in all forms: the public figures, the political leader, and the private man. With his personal reflections and annotations included, the most important speeches from America’s “Great Communicator” are found here.

    A political humorist's caustically hilarious month-by-month archive of the 1980s includes memorable photographs, newspaper headlines, press clippings, pop quizzes, outrageous quotes, bizarre facts, and implausible yet true events.

    He sketches a conceptual framework for the many influences on one group's desire to harm another: cultural and social patterns predisposing to violence, historical circumstances resulting in persistent life problems, and needs and modes of adaptation arising from the interaction of these influences. Such notions as cultural stereotyping and devaluation, societal self-concept, moral exclusion, the need for connection, authority orientation, personal and group goals, better world ideologies, justification, and moral equilibrium find a place in his analysis, and he addresses the relevant evidence from the behavioral sciences. Within this conceptual framework, Staub then considers the behavior of perpetrators and bystanders in four historical situations: the Holocaust (his primary example), the genocide of Armenians in Turkey, the autogenocide in Cambodia, and the disappearances in Argentina. Throughout, he is concerned with the roots of caring and the psychology of heroic helpers. In his concluding chapters, he reflects on the socialization of children at home and in schools, and on the societal practices and processes that facilitate the development of caring persons, and of care and cooperation among groups. A wide audience will find The Roots of Evil thought-provoking reading.

    Then, he became the first Speaker of the House to be forced from office. Here, Barry traces the polit ical and legal maneuvering, the deals, personal grudges, and professional "favors" through which our public policy is decided.

    Berkman and his companion and comrade Emma Goldman - having been deported from the United States for their anti-war activities, and fired with revolutionary enthusiasm - were determined to work for the Russian Revolution. "The Bolshevik Myth--first published in 1925--is Berkman's account of the two years he spent in the Soviet Union, his meetings with Lenin, Trotsky, Kropotkin, and above all with the Russian people, the ordinary men and women who were suffering hunger, disease and persecution. It is the story of chaos, bureaucratic incompetence and economic ruin. A story of warring revolutionary factions, barbarism, repression and fear, leading to the author's complete disillusionment with the Bolshevik system. In his new biographical introduction, Nicolas Walter, quoting from contemporary publications and unpublished manuscript sources, compares "The Bolshevik Myth with Berkman's diary from the period - on which the published book is based - and examines some of the complications of Berkman's relationship with Emma Goldman, whose writings he edited. This edition includes too, the conclusion to the book, left out of the original publication, as the publisher deemed it an 'Anti-Climax'.

    It gives the reader Strauss' thoughts on what political philosophy has been and should be again. Selected for their general interest and their accessibility, the essays in the book provide a solid foundation for understanding Leo Strauss and his political philosophy.

    The truth is that much of the resistance to fascism should be chalked up to the people about whom official accounts having nothing to say. Partisanas excavates the history of women who planted bombs, shouldered guns, and were among the most active participants in the European Resistance.Ingrid Strobl is a well-known filmmaker, artist, lecturer, and writer. She makes her home in Cologne, Germany.Martha Ackelsberg is the author of Free Women of Spain.

    It will be of practical relevance to all those wanting to understand how the ways we communicate both influence and are influenced by the structures and forces of contemporary social institutions.Language and Power was first published in 1989 and quickly established itself as a ground-breaking book. Its popularity continues as an accessible introductory text to the field of Discourse Analysis, focusing on:how language functions in maintaining and changing power relations in modern society the ways of analysing language which can reveal these processes how people can become more conscious of them, and more able to resist and change themThe question of language and power is still important and urgent in the twenty-first century, but there have been substantial changes in social life during the past decade which have somewhat changed the nature of unequal power relations, and therefore the agenda for the critical study of language. In this new edition, Norman Fairclough brings the discussion fully up-to-date and covers the issue of 'globalisation' of power relations and the development of the internet in relation to Language and Power. The bibliography has also been fully updated to include important new reference material.

    Kirk points to youthfulness of American civilization, and the inevitable patterns of decadence and renewal that need not presage cultural apocalypse.

    History, on the other hand, has come to regard him as the figure who gave political cogency to the liberating ideas of the Enlightenment. His great pamphlets, Rights of Man and Common Sense, are now recognized for what they are–classic arguments in defense of the individual’s right to assert his or her freedom in the face of tyranny.(Book Jacket Status: Jacketed)

    

    Destructive Generation, which critics have compared to The God That Failed and to Whittaker Chambers' Witness, is a modern conservative classic-imperative reading for anyone who wants to understand the New Left and its sad legacy for America.

    2 maps.

    Today's defense depends on our knowledge of yesterday's repression. The message: the political police haven't forgotten us--we can't afford to forget them and their methods.--Philip Agee, former CIA agent

     In 1894 a translation of Kayserling's book on Christopher Columbus and Spanish Jews was published--- "Christopher Columbus and the Participation of the Jews in the Spanish and Portuguese Discoveries" (translated by Charles Gross [1857-1909]). The curious relationship which Columbus' discovery has with the Jews in Portugal and Spain, is the subject of this book. As Kayserling notes there is some evidence that Columbus himself was of Spanish-Jewish origins; Kayseling gives a full review of this evidence. The forced contributions of the Jews, historians have made note of before this, but Dr. Kayserling, who has carefully studied the records in Spain, produces much new evidence relating to individual Jews, who by their teachings or personal exertions were of singular help to Columbus. The work is distinguished for its impartiality. Kayserling writes: "FEW mortals have been honored by posterity as much as Christopher Columbus. The question whether the Jews assisted in these discoveries has already heretofore been propounded, but it has never before been carefully investigated. Entrusted with this honorable but difficult mission, I determined to visit Spain in order to complete my collection of material by exploring the Spanish archives and libraries. Such documents as I found there, I transcribed. They have been used with care in the text. I trust that I have succeeded in making a contribution to the history of the discovery of America and to the history of the Jews, to whom America has been a land of refuge, a land of freedom and of equality." Contents CHAPTER I. THE EARLIEST PARTICIPATION OF THE JEWS IN THE NAVAL AFFAIRS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL—JEHUDA CRESQUES, OR JAIME RIBES—JoAo II. AND HIS ASTRONOMICAL JUNTA. CHAPTER II. COLUMBUS IN LISBON, AND HIS RELATIONS TO THE JEWS OF THAT CITY—His SCIENTIFIC EQUIPMENT — His NEGOTIATIONS WITH KING JOAO—JOSEPH VECINHO—THE PORTUGUESE EXPEDITION TO INDIA; ABRAHAM OF BEJA AND JOSEPH ZAPATEIRO—COLUMBUS IN SPAIN. CHAPTER III. COLUMBUS IN SPAIN—POLITICAL CONDITION OF ARAGON AND CASTILE—FERDINAND AND ISABELLA—ABRAHAM SENIOR— STATUS AND POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF JEWS AND MARRANOS —THE INQUISITION AND ITS VICTIMS. CHAPTER IV. COLUMBUS'S FIRST APPEARANCE AT THE SPANISH COURT—THE JUNTA OF CORDOVA AND THE CONFERENCE AT SALAMANCA —ABRAHAM ZACUTO—ISAAC ABRAVANEL. CHAPTER V. Columbus In Santa Fe—The Fall Of Granada—The Position OF THE SANTANGELS; THEIR PERSECUTION BY THE Inquisition—Luis De Santangel's Interposition In Favor Of Columbus—The Queen's Jewels, And Santangel's Loan For The Equipment Of The Expedition. CHAPTER VI. EXPULSION OF THE JEWS FROM SPAIN—AGREEMENT OF SANTA Fé—EXODUS OF THE JEWS—COLUMBUS'S PREPARATIONS AND DEPARTURE—PARTICIPATION OF THE JEWS IN THE EXPEDITION—GUANAHANI—LUIS DE TORRES—INDIANS AND ISRAELITES. CHAPTER VII. COLUMBUS'S RETURN—His LETTERS TO SANTANGEL AND SANCHEZ—PREPARATIONS FOR THE SECOND EXPEDITION; THE MONEY OF THE JEWS UTILIZED—THE SECOND VOYAGE— PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES—VASCO DA GAMA AND ABRAHAM ZACUTO—GASPAR DA GAMA—FRANCISCO D'ALBUQUERQUE AND HUCEFE, OR ALEXANDER D'ATAYDE. CHAPTER VIII.

    Written by one of the world's foremost political economists, this original and provocative essay takes on one of the great "ideological deformations" of our time: Eurocentrism. Rejecting the dominant Eurocentric view of world history, which narrowly and incorrectly posits a progression from the Greek and Roman classical world to Christian feudalism and the European capitalist system, Amin presents a sweeping reinterpretation that emphasizes the crucial historical role played by the Arab Islamic world. Throughout the work, Amin addressesa broad set of concerns, ranging from the ideological nature of scholastic metaphysics to the meanings and shortcomingsof contemporary Islamic fundamentalism. This second edition contains a new introduction and concluding chapter, both of which make the author's arguments even more compelling.

    Disturbing and provocative, It Did Happen Here is must-reading for everyone who cares about protecting the rights and liberties upon which this country has been built.

    Students of the history of political thought owe a particular debt of gratitude to Allan Gilbert.”—Dante Germino, The Journal of Politics“A most remarkable achievement.”—Felix Gilbert, Renaissance Quarterly

    It is the first book ever written on insurgency by a member of the Armed Forces of the Philippines based on his own inside view of the enemy, by a man who actually lived and fought on the side of the insurgents and who, in fact, became a member of the Central Committee, the highest policy-making organ of the Communist Party of the Philippines.

    John E. Dolibois was born December 4, 1918, in Luxembourg. His mother died weeks later, and he was raised by an older sister until she left for Akron, Ohio, with her American husband. In 1931 John came to Akron with his father and thus began a fascinating life journey.He graduated from Miami University in 1942, in time for service as an Armored Force officer and then in Military Intelligence. In this latter station he assisted in the interrogation of the Nazi war criminals prior to the Nuremberg trials. His descriptions of Goering, Doenitz, Ribbentrop, et al. are perceptive, penetrating, and flavored with earthy humor. These chapters are set against the backdrop of war, the Holocaust, and attendant horrors.In 1981, after retirement from Miami University as Vice President for University Relations, Dolibois was called by President Ronald Reagan to become U.S. Ambassador to Luxembourg. His appointment came fifty years to the day from his arrival in Akron. His four years as ambassador are an appropriate chapter of life given to the service of his adopted country.

    --William F. Buckley, Jr.

    Davis roots the reader in the enterprise of questioning what is given and probing beyond what is safe in order to demonstrate that psychoanalytic inquiry, Marxist politics, existential reflection, and dialectical connection all move within the same orbit. No one who reads it will ever think about existence itself in the same way again. Davis’s landmark work will profoundly transform anyone who reads it.”—Todd McGowan, author of The Real Gaze: Film Theory after Lacan

    concentration camps for Japanese Americans, Chicana cannery workers and southern cotton-mill girls, older lesbians and elderly Jews, Afro-American women in slavery and contemporary Afro-American writers, and others, in order to explore women's ways of seeing. Her analyses of oral histories, novels, legends, poetry, and art show how we can use these records of women's and men's lives.' -- Sandra Harding, Women's Review of Books

    She argues that the war, instead of leading to a reexamination of the US value system, has spurred a revitalization of the traditional values of capitalism and bourgeois individualism.

    Hoffman recounts his growing involvement in the student movement as it rose to national prominence, giving behind-the-scenes details about the historic protests at the 1968 Democratic Convention and subsequent Chicago conspiracy trial, his "levitation" of the Pentagon, and his friendships with other movement leaders. This new edition includes a selection of photographs documenting his continuing activism in the 1980s and a new Afterword by leading historian Howard Zinn about Hoffman's enduring legacy. "This book is a document . . . the autobiography of a bona fide American revolutionary." -- Norman Mailer, from his Introduction

    "When an American citizen comes into court today, he is not faced with the power or majesty of the law...Instead, he finds that he is facing the power of money, and the power of political influence,"

    In what Stanley Hoffmann, writing in The New York Review of Books, has called a "fine analysis and critique of American targeting policies," Sagan looks more at the operational side of nuclear strategy than previous analysts have done, seeking to bridge the gap between theory and practice.

    Traces the development of the M-1 tank, discusses the criticism of opponents, and explains how it has affected battle strategy.

    

    I could touch the tears on page after page."—Wallace Terry

    The fourth volume in Hal Draper's series looks at these critiques to illuminate what Marx's socialism was, as well as what it was not. Some of these debates are well-known elements in Marx's work, such as his writings on the anarchists Proudhon and Bakunin. Others are less familiar, such as the writings on Bismarckian socialism and Boulangism, but promise to become better known and understood with Draper's exposition. He also discusses the more general ideological tendencies of utopian and sentimental socialisms, which took various forms and were ingredients in many different socialist movements.

    Sealed from the outside world by Indonesian forces, it was home to tribes who were unchanged and unseen for centuries and, along with their forest land, being systematically obliterated.

    Editor Pangle has gathered five of Strauss's previously unpublished lectures and five hard-to-find published writings and has arranged them so as to demonstrate the systematic progression of the major themes that underlay Strauss's mature work. "[These essays] display the incomparable insight and remarkable range of knowledge that set Strauss's works apart from any other twentieth-century philosopher's."—Charles R. Kesler, National Review

    Instead he found out - from the streets - what the Berliners were doing under Honecker. He observed the 'elections’; interviewed the local party members and talked into the night with an actor ('Dr Faust') who also worked for the State Security Service. He wrote about what he saw - in German - and the authorities protested. When he tried to return to East Berlin, he was turned back. He went to Poland and wrote a history of Solidarity. It was translated into Polish and became an underground bestseller. He was blacklisted at the frontier. He went to Prague to attend a Charter 77 meeting, but was met instead by the secret police. His reputation now seems to arrive before him. Ten years ago Timothy Garton Ash began to discover Central Europe. 'The Uses of Adversity' records what he found.

    While many family medicine texts simply cover the disorders a practitioner might see in clinical practice (thus they become watered-down internal medicine texts), McWhinney defines the principles and practices of family medicine as a separate and distinct field of practice. His initial sections cover the basis principles and philosophies of family medicine and a later section discusses the approach to the patients with common diseases encountered in practice (these discussions not only address these clinical problems, but each is a workshop for incorporating what it means to be a family physician into everyday practice). The new edition is updated throughout with help from a group of reviewers and a new coauthor, Tom Freeman, who is Chairman of the Department of Family Medicine at McWhinney's institution, the University of Western Ontario.

    Unlike most European sovereigns of his generation, Wilhelm was no mere figurehead, and his imprint on imperial Germany was profound. In this book and a second volume, historian Lamar Cecil provides the first comprehensive biography of one of modern history's most powerful--and most misunderstood--rulers. Wilhelm II: Prince and Emperor, 1859-1900 concentrates on Wilhelm's youth. As Cecil shows, the future ruler's Anglo-German genealogy, his education, and his subsequent service as an officer in the Prussian army proved to be unfortunate legacies in shaping Wilhelm's behavior and ideas. Throughout his thirty-year reign, Wilhelm's connection with his subjects was tenuous. He surrounded himself with a small coterie of persons drawn from the government, the military, and elite society, most of whom were valued not for their ability but for their loyalty to the crown. They, in turn, contrived to keep Wilhelm isolated from outside influences, learned to be accomplished in catering to his prejudices, and strengthened his conviction that the government should be composed only of those who agreed with him. The day-to-day conduct of Germany's affairs was left in the hands of these loyal followers, for the Kaiser himself did not at all enjoy work. Rejoicing instead in pageantry and the superficial trappings of authority, he was particular about what he did and what he read, eliminating anything that was unpleasant, difficult, or tedious. He never learned to listen, to reason, or to make decisions in a sound, informed manner; he was customarily inclined to act solely on the basis of his personal feelings.Many people believed him to be mad. Even courtiers who admired Wilhelm recognized that he was responsible for the diplomatic embarrassment in which Germany found itself by 1914 and that the Kaiser's maladroit behavior endangered the prestige of the Hohenzollern crown. His is the story of a bizarre and incapable sovereign who never doubted that he possessed both genius and divine inspiration.Originally published in 1989.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

    

    The essays are presented thematically and include pieces on southern history; significant but neglected historical figures; historiography; the connection between historical problems and contemporary issues; and the public role of the historian.Collectively these essays reveal Franklin as a man who has exhibited immense courage and intellectual independence in the face of cultural and social bias, a scholar who has set the tone and direction for twentieth-century African-American studies, and a writer whose insistence on balance and truth has inspired two generations of historians.

    Now in its 20th year, Greenpeace has grown into an international network of more than three million members.

    One thing they are not nearly as big as we think. Another thing they are not is a burden on the shoulders of our grandchildren. And one thing they are is a potential means of financing economic growth. Heilbroner and Bernstein do not shrug aside the debt and deficit. The only remedy for our present frightened state of mind, they write, is explanations that are simple but accurate, facts that will defuse unreasoning panic, and arguments that will stand up under the most skeptical examination.

    The book contains sixteen papers by such distinguished contributors as Robert M. Adams, Roderick Chisholm, Nathan Salmon, and Scott Soames, and includes Kaplan's hitherto uncollected paper, Demonstratives, which has for twenty years been one of the most influential pieces in the philosophy of language. These essays examine a broad range of themes related to Kaplan's work; some address his work directly, while others are independent discussions of issues provoked by Kaplan's thought.

    

    2-color illustrations.

    

    In this book, the French linguist and literary critic Pierre Janton describes the history of Esperanto since its invention in nineteenth-century Eastern Europe and offers a comprehensive linguistic description of the language. This book is the best general introduction to Esperanto and its role in the modern world.Rooted in the populism and internationalism of the late nineteenth century, Esperanto owes its origins in part to western European educational currents and in part to the cultural history of eastern European Jewry. It is a fascinating historical and sociological phenomenon as well as a remarkable linguistic system.The book contains a survey of today's movement for the promotion of Esperanto as an international language, and a description of the extensive literature in Esperanto, both original and translated. Janton also provides a survey of the other global language projects, explaining why Esperanto has prevailed.

    Fisher's intent has been to go beyond the analysis of court cases,and to analyze,as well,the political,historical,and social framework in which decisions are handed down; and the meaning of the constitution is understood. The actions of judicial as well as non-judicial actors is not ignored. More than any other case book in Constitutional Law,Fisher explores the constant,creative interplay between the judiciary and the political branches,as well as historical and social influences.

    In the not too distant future a New World Order, unlike anything the world has ever seen, could appear almost overnight. There is an emerging global consciousness that is either an incredible historical coincidence or is, in fact, part of a sophisticated plan whose beginnings can be traced to antiquity. Could this be the global reality predicted 2,000 years ago by a prophet on the Isle of Patmos?In recent years the New Age Movement has been touted by many as the spiritual rebirth of modern man. But this popular movement is just one phase of a broad agenda which is only now coming fully into view. The pieces have been shifting into place for a quantum leap more radical than the one that replaced the Dark Ages with the Age of Reason. A momentous global event is upon us--the birth of a New World Order.

    

    Discusses the historical background of the Fourteenth Amendment, and argues that it has been unfairly used to encroach on states' rights.

    Florida history needs more indefatigable investigators like Tanner."-- Florida Historical QuarterlyAs East Florida’s first governor during the Second Spanish Period, Vicente Manual Zespedes y Valasco had to reshape colonial institutions to fit the Spanish mold and to redefine the relationship of his colony to the new United States, the French and English, and the Indians. At the same time he had to cope with myriad internal problems. In this informative and entertaining biographical history, Tanner skillfully interweaves historical narratives with intimate personal details of life in eighteenth-century St. Augustine.

    

    foreign policies of economic, diplomatic, and military interference that not only disables the poor, but undermines democracy and Christian faith.

    Richard Bauckham offers his interpretations of several Bible passage that are politically relevant, and discusses how reading the Bible in a political context can lead to fresh insights.

    

    Kenneth O'Reilly tells the shocking story of how political loyalties, priorities, and prejudices turned a government agency into an adversary, instead of a protector, of civil rights.

    He was born in 1917, expanded his political views at Oxford, and also became an MP for Leeds in 1952. 'The Time of my Life' also illuminates his love of literature, art, music and photography.

    

    The paper begins with an account of emotion that stresses its active, voluntary, and socially constructed aspects, and indicates how emotion is involved in evaluation and observation. It then moves on to show how the myth of dispassionate investigation has functioned historically to undermine the epistemic authority of women as well as other social groups associated culturally with emotion. Finally, the paper sketches some ways in which the emotions of underclass groups, especially women, may contribute to the development of a critical social theory.

    Providing a detailed study of the transformation of the American party system and its impact on the Republican party, The Decline and Fall of the Liberal Republicans examines such factors as long-term shifts in electoral behavior and the disintegration of traditional party structures to explain the decline of liberal Republications.

    First tracing Lenin's personal and political development until his emergence as a leader of Russian Social Democracy, Pomper's psychologically oriented book then introduces Trotsky and Stalin. In each case, he shows the impact of family history and adolescent experience upon political commitment. Though psychoanalytically oriented, this study avoids technical jargon and presents both personal development and political behavior in easily grasped terms.Pomper examines early personal and political traumas and their contribution to matters as diverse as styles of leadership and dialectical method. A historian of the Russian revolutionary movement as well as psycho-biographer, Pomper embeds his subject in the events of late imperial Russia, with special focus on the intersection of the biographies of the three men with processes in the revolutionary subculture and with the mass explosions of 1905 and 1917. Pomper then analyzes the struggles among the Bolshevik oligarchs during the early Soviet period (1917–1924) and the critical months after Lenin's death.Documents in Trotsky's and Max Eastman's archives previously unused by Trotsky's biographers enrich Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin: The Intelligentsia and Power. The author has also exploited valuable new information on Lenin, Stalin, and the history of the CSPU provided in official Soviet publications and the published writings of émigrés and dissidents. A widely known scholar of Russian and Soviet history, Pomper is the first historian in decades systematically to integrate the lives of Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin in a single study. His skillful integration of these three figures, his original interpretations, and his lucid writing style make Philip Pomper's Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin engaging, illuminating, and significant.

    

    Follows the life of George Washington, including his childhood, education, employment, political career, and term of presidency.

    

    This biography restores an important heroine to her place in American and feminist history.

    Based on detailed research, it provides new insights not only into the factors that favoured the ascent of Viennese Jewry and the antisemitic movements that accompanied its rise, but also into the ideological conflicts that have marked the 20th century. The author describes the impact of nationality struggles in the Empire and its repercussions on Jewish identity, and examines in detail the genesis of Zionism, Autonomism, Austro-Marxism and psychoanalysis as Jewish strategies and responses to the dilemmas of modernization. In doing so, he analyzes the problems of identity that affected the Jewish intelligentsia of Vienna and helped make it the scene of one of the most seminal intellectual revolutions in history. The book should appeal to scholars and students of European and Jewish history, social historians and the general reader with an interest in Vienna.

    A glorious collection of fiction, art, poetry, and protest from The Masses, the best radical magazine ever.

    One unfortunate result of preoccupation with the nuclear threat, however, has been a new kind of respectability accorded to conventional war. In this radical and cogent argument for pacifism, Robert Holmes asserts that all war--not just nuclear war--has become morally impermissible in the modern world. Addressing a wide audience of informed and concerned readers, he raises dramatic questions about the concepts of political realism and nuclear deterrence, makes a number of persuasive suggestions for nonviolent alternatives to war, and presents a rich panorama of thinking about war from St. Augustine to Reinhold Niebuhr and Herman Kahn.Holmes's positions are compellingly presented and will provoke discussion both among convinced pacifists and among those whom he calls militarists. Militarists, we realize after reading this book, include the majority of us who live a friendly and peaceful personal life while supporting a system which, if Holmes is correct, guarantees war and risks eventual human extinction.Originally published in 1989.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    The general aim of critical linguistics is the exploration of the mechanisms of power which establish inequality, through the systematic analysis of political discourse (written or oral). This reader contains papers on a variety of topics, all related to each other through explicit discussions on the notion of ideology from an interdisciplinary approach with illustrative analyses of texts from the media, newspapers, schoolbooks, pamphlets, talkshows, speeches concerning language policy in Nazi-Germany, in Italofascism, and also policies prevalent nowadays. Among the interesting subjects studied are the jargon of the student movement of 1968, speeches of politicians, racist and sexist discourse, and the language of the green movement. Because of the enormous influence of the media nowadays, the explicit analysis of the mechanisms of "manipulation", "suggestion", and "persuasion" inherent in language or about language behaviour and strategies of discourse are of social relevance and of interest to all scholars of social sciences, to readers in all educational institutions, to analysts of political discourse, and to critical readers at large.

    In Sternhell's view, fascism was much more than an episode in the history of Italy. He argues here that it possessed a coherent ideology with deep roots in European civilization. Long before fascism became a political force, he maintains, it was a major cultural phenomenon.

    

    By telling it with such eloquence and learning in ‘Some Kind of Paradise,’ Mr. Derr has revealed the dark side of the historian Frederick Jackson Turner’s famous hypothesis: our national character was indeed shaped by the frontier. . . . [Derr] writes with a journalist’s eye for telling details and an antiquarian’s fondness for digression and quirky facts. . . . The state’s tortuous journey from one extreme to the other is [his] subject, and he tackles it with brilliance and bravado."--New York Times Book ReviewFor 500 years, visitors to Florida have discovered magic. In Some Kind of Paradise, an eloquent social and environmental history of the state, Mark Derr describes how this exotic land is fast becoming a victim of its own allure. He begins by examining the period between Reconstruction and the Great Depression, when wealthy capitalists led by Henry Flagler and Henry Plant opened the peninsula to a flood of development by building railroads and luxury hotels. Turning to the distant past, he describes the geologic origins of the state and early fossil finds. From archaeological data, he stitches together a portrait of the first human inhabitants and their distinct cultures, then follows the thread of time to the "discovery" of Florida in 1513 by Juan Ponce de León, the fall of the indigenous people to European diseases and weapons, and the pattern of conquest and racial violence that continued into the 19th century as white Americans waged a campaign against the Seminole Indians. Derr keeps his gaze on the land and its people--wreckers and spongers in Key West, cowmen on the "palmetto prairie," speculators and builders from Miami Beach to Seaside, Cuban cigar makers who rolled tobacco while listening to readings from Shakespeare and Marx, and migrant fruit pickers, convict laborers, and the idle rich--the range of dreamers and schemers who have struggled to remake this abundant, fragile wonderland. Written with both tenderness and alarm, Derr’s book presents their competing views of Florida: a paradise to be protected and nurtured or a frontier to be exploited and conquered. Mark Derr moved to Florida with his family at age six; his interest in the state’s history and ecology dates back to the late 1960s, when he watched the landscape around Winter Park change with the construction of Walt Disney World. He is the author of two other critically acclaimed books, The Frontiersman and Dog’s Best Friend, and his articles have appeared in Atlantic Monthly, Natural History, Audubon, and other publications. He lives in Miami Beach with his wife, Gina Maranto.

    310 illustrations, 130 duotones, 80 in color.

    In his early writings, his ethics were based on a concept of essence much like Aristotle's, which Marx tried to link to a principle of universalization similar to Kant's categorical imperative. In the period 1845-46, Marx abandoned this view, holding morality to be incompatible with his historical materialism. In the later work he was less of a determinist. Though he no longer wished to reject morality, he did want to transcend a morality of burdensome obligation and constraint in order to realize a community built upon spontaneous bonds of solidarity.

    

    The authors are passionate advocates of such basic American values as self-reliance, tolerance, community aid, diversity, and liberty. Their subject is the plight of democracy in America. They argue that Vermont can show the rest of the nation how to govern itself democratically in the next century.Bypassed by the industrial revolution, Vermont is poised to leap into the 21st century. With its tradition of strong, local town government buttressed by the growth of information technology, Vermont is ready to make a breakthrough toward a postmodern, human-scale democracy. Bryan and McClaughry propose a system of government through bio-regionally based shires that will become new and vital little republics.Power will devolve from the state to the shires, with each shire small enough to be known, governed, and loved by each one of its citizens. The state's responsibilities will focus, instead, on such issues as air and water pollution, civil rights and liberties, and relations with other states and nations. The authors give detailed, specific recommendations, and show clearly how the new democracy will work.

    The causes and consequences of, and responses to, human displacement are intertwined with many of the core concerns of International Relations. Yet, scholars of International Relations have generally bypassed the study of refugees, and Forced Migration Studies has generally bypassed insights from International Relations. Refugees in International Relations therefore represents an attempt to bridge the divide between these disciplines, and to place refugees within the mainstream of International Relations.Drawing together the work and ideas of a combination of the world's leading and emerging International Relations scholars, Refugees in International Relations considers what ideas from International Relations can offer our understanding of the international politics of forced migration. The insights draw from across the theoretical spectrum of International Relations from realism to critical theory to feminism, covering issues including international cooperation, security, and the international political economy. They engage with some of the most challenging political and practical questions in contemporary forced migration, including peacebuilding, post-conflict reconstruction, and statebuilding. The result is a set of highly original chapters, yielding not only new concepts of wider relevance to International Relations but also insights for academics, policy-makers, and practitioners working on forced migration in particular and humanitarianism in general.

    You may find it for free on the web. Purchase of the Kindle edition includes wireless delivery.

    Since 1989 we have been publishing the guide Arizonans go to for all the details on the state's gun laws. You get a copy of all the gun laws word-for-word, but more important, everything is described in plain English. The descriptions are cross-referenced to the laws. The author takes the mystery out of the Arizona carry-permit law and the new no-permit Constitutional Carry law. Plus -- the self-defense laws, buying, keeping and using guns, the NICS background check, and he turns the legal mumbo jumbo into clear familiar English. Find out the who, what, when, where, why and how of firearms purchase, ownership, carry and use in Arizona, including national permit reciprocity. Now that Arizona has Constitutional Carry (no permit required) it's more important than ever to know the rules, the prohibited places, stay safe and keep out of trouble. "It doesn't make sense to own a gun and not know the rules."

    In the first volume, Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796-1889 (1984), the author emphasized the dynamism of late imperial commerce, the relation of the metropolis to its hinterland, and the corporate institutions of the city, notably its guilds, which assumed a number of functions we normally attribute to a municipal government. In this volume, the focus is on the people of Hankow, in all their ethnic diversity, occupational variety, and constant mobility, and on the social bonds that enabled this mass of people to live and work in a crowded city with much less disruptive social conflict than occurred in Hankow's counterparts in early modern Europe.Built into the argument of the book is a running comparison nineteenth-century Hankow with such cities as London and Paris in the somewhat earlier period when they, too, were experiencing the growing pains of nascent preindustrial capitalism. How are we to account for the fact that the cities of early modern Europe were so much more prone to protest and social upheaval than Hankow was in a comparable stage of development? The author finds the answer in the cultural hegemony of an activist elite that fostered moral consensus, social harmony, and an aura of solicitude for the well-being of residents at every social level, exemplified in such service institutions as poor relief, firefighting, and public security.Toward the end of the nineteenth century, however, the social bonds that had held Hankow together were beginning to fragment, as social polarization and growing class-consciousness fostered an atmosphere of increasing unrest.

    Two and a half years later, he and his fiancee, Nora, both Jews, were caught after crossing the border into Belgium and were sent to Auschwitz. In this gripping memoir, Dr. Micheels describes his precarious existence in Holland after the Nazi takeover, his experiences in Auschwitz, his participation in the death march to Dachau, and his escape from a transport near the Austrian border. Especially notable is the final chapter of the book, in which Micheels, now a psychoanalyst, reflects on the psychological impact of his experiences and his reactions to them - his inability to mourn his parents' death, his attitude toward his chief Nazi tormentor, and especially what happened to his relationship with Nora after they had passed through the agonies of the concentration camps together and were reunited in Holland.

    Michael Pusey undertakes a detailed analysis of top bureaucrats in Canberra who have been responsible for this recasting of national policy. He concludes that economist rationalist view dominate each of the key ministries, and have altered the traditional balance between the economy, the state and society. The book also discusses the social significance of economic rationalisation and public sector reform from a theoretical perspective, contributing to contemporary understanding of modernisation, public morality and citizenship in the new global order.

    Alan Wolfe argues that modern liberal democracies, such as the U.S. and Scandinavia, have broken with traditional sources of morality and instead have relied upon economic and political frameworks to define their obligations to one another. Wolfe calls for reinvigorating a sense of community and thus an sense of obligation to the larger society.

    

    As a result, he created a “Special File” to hide from view any memoranda which might be sensitive—either politically or personally. After fourteen years of exhausting every legal means available to keep these documents concealed,, he finally agreed to the release of more than three million Special File pages through the National Archives. From: The President is the first collection of these hidden pages—and a revealing look at the workings of the Oval Office during the Nixon years.

    In a full-scale study of the impact of Keynesian doctrines across nations, their essays trace the reception accorded Keynesian ideas, initially during the 1930s and then in the years after World War II, in a wide range of nations, including Britain, the United States, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and Scandinavia. The contributors review the latest historical evidence to explain why some nations embraced Keynesian policies while others did not. At a time of growing interest in comparative public policy-making, they examine the central issue of how and why particular ideas acquire influence over policy and politics.Based on three years of collaborative research for the Social Science Research Council, the volume takes up central themes in contemporary economics, political science, and history. The contributors are Christopher S. Allen, Marcello de Cecco, Peter Alexis Gourevitch, Eleanor M. Hadley, Peter A. Hall, Albert O. Hirschman, Harold James, Bradford A. Lee, Jukka Pekkarinen, Pierre Rosanvallon, Walter S. Salant, Margaret Weir, and Donald Winch.

    Classes inspired praise and provoked controversy in equal measure, leading to one of the richest and most stimulating discussions on social divisions hitherto, as is conveyed in the pages of this collection. Leading sociologists and social theorists from the USA, UK, Netherlands and Belgium, submit Wright's methodology and results to searching and trenchant criticism, in some cases offering alternative conceptualisations of the issues involved, in others raising central problems of race, gender, skills, exploitation and the role of managerial strata. In several sections, Wright responds to specific elements of critique, whilst in a long concluding chapter ('Rethinking, Once Again, the Concept of Class Structure') he takes stock of all the points made and seeks to systematically reformulate his approach in an enriched and strengthened form.

    The author considers the various factors which helped to forge German unity: the role of Bismarck; the growth of liberalism and nationalism within Germany; the state of European politics prior to 1871; and the impact of a burgeoning German economy.