"Speeches and interviews from the last two years of his life.

    Specific cases are illustrated in detail, using the U.S. media primarily but also media in other societies. Chomsky considers how the media might be democratized (as part of the general problem of developing more democratic institutions) in order to offer citizens broader and more meaningful participation in social and political life.

    To understand why government has grown, Robert Higgs asserts, one must understand how it has grown. This book offers a coherent, multi-causal explanation, guided by a novel analytical framework firmly grounded in historical evidence. More than a study of trends in governmental spending, taxation, and employment, Crisis and Leviathan is a thorough analysis of the actual occasions when and the specific means by which Big Government developed in the United States. Naming names and highlighting the actions of significant individuals, Higgs examines how twentieth-century national emergencies--mainly wars, depressions, and labor disturbances--have prompted federal officials to take over previously private rights and activities. When the crises passed, a residue of new governmental powers remained. Even more significantly, each great crisis and the subsequent governmental measures have gone hand in hand with reinforcing shifts in public beliefs and attitudes toward the government's proper role in American life. Integrating the contributions of scholars in diverse disciplines, including history, law, political philosophy, and the social sciences, Crisis and Leviathan makes compelling reading for all those who seek to understand the transformation of America's political economy over the past century.

    In his Introduction John Gray describes these essays as applications of Mill's doctrine of the Art of Life, as set out in A System of Logic. Using the resources of recent scholarship, he shows Mill's work to be far richer and subtler than traditional interpretations allow.

    He sketches a conceptual framework for the many influences on one group's desire to harm another: cultural and social patterns predisposing to violence, historical circumstances resulting in persistent life problems, and needs and modes of adaptation arising from the interaction of these influences. Such notions as cultural stereotyping and devaluation, societal self-concept, moral exclusion, the need for connection, authority orientation, personal and group goals, better world ideologies, justification, and moral equilibrium find a place in his analysis, and he addresses the relevant evidence from the behavioral sciences. Within this conceptual framework, Staub then considers the behavior of perpetrators and bystanders in four historical situations: the Holocaust (his primary example), the genocide of Armenians in Turkey, the autogenocide in Cambodia, and the disappearances in Argentina. Throughout, he is concerned with the roots of caring and the psychology of heroic helpers. In his concluding chapters, he reflects on the socialization of children at home and in schools, and on the societal practices and processes that facilitate the development of caring persons, and of care and cooperation among groups. A wide audience will find The Roots of Evil thought-provoking reading.

    Then, he became the first Speaker of the House to be forced from office. Here, Barry traces the polit ical and legal maneuvering, the deals, personal grudges, and professional "favors" through which our public policy is decided.

    It gives the reader Strauss' thoughts on what political philosophy has been and should be again. Selected for their general interest and their accessibility, the essays in the book provide a solid foundation for understanding Leo Strauss and his political philosophy.

    Disturbing and provocative, It Did Happen Here is must-reading for everyone who cares about protecting the rights and liberties upon which this country has been built.

    Quoting extensively from Guevara's writings and speeches on building socialism, this book presents the interrelationship of the market, economic planning, material incentives, and voluntary work; and why profit and other capitalist categories cannot be yardsticks for measuring progress in the transition to socialism.

    The provisions of our own Constitution regarding slavery--and disregarding women--show that even a liberal constitution does not legitimate all types of politics. What is constituted, rather, are conditions that favor certain forms of politics over others.The Presence of the Past explores the relationship between present-day American politics and the COnstitution of 1787. Wolin does not attempt to establish the real meaning of the document or the intent of the Founders. (A constitution is not a revelation and the Philadelphia Convention was not an epiphanic moment.) Instead, he examines the Constitution from a breathtaking variety of perspectives, drawing meanings from the text that is our richest source of American values, myths, ideologies, and theories. And he shows how the Constitution created the American version of the modern state and how the ideology of bicentennialism works to obscure the contradictions between the state and democracy.In a variety of ways, The Presence of the Past concerns itself with kinds of loss--the loss of democratic values, the weakening of democratic elements in our institutions, the stifling of democratic hopes. In the explorations of our constitutional culture, Wolin connects a wide range of topics, from a discussion of the Federalist Papers to the Irangate scandal, from the dieas of Montesquieu and Tocqueville to the political implications of Allan Bloom's polemic on education.

    Percival

    government policies.

    The fourth volume in Hal Draper's series looks at these critiques to illuminate what Marx's socialism was, as well as what it was not. Some of these debates are well-known elements in Marx's work, such as his writings on the anarchists Proudhon and Bakunin. Others are less familiar, such as the writings on Bismarckian socialism and Boulangism, but promise to become better known and understood with Draper's exposition. He also discusses the more general ideological tendencies of utopian and sentimental socialisms, which took various forms and were ingredients in many different socialist movements.

    Their book thus constitutes a quantitative key to democratic systems in a wider sense.

    Fisher's intent has been to go beyond the analysis of court cases,and to analyze,as well,the political,historical,and social framework in which decisions are handed down; and the meaning of the constitution is understood. The actions of judicial as well as non-judicial actors is not ignored. More than any other case book in Constitutional Law,Fisher explores the constant,creative interplay between the judiciary and the political branches,as well as historical and social influences.

    The authors are passionate advocates of such basic American values as self-reliance, tolerance, community aid, diversity, and liberty. Their subject is the plight of democracy in America. They argue that Vermont can show the rest of the nation how to govern itself democratically in the next century.Bypassed by the industrial revolution, Vermont is poised to leap into the 21st century. With its tradition of strong, local town government buttressed by the growth of information technology, Vermont is ready to make a breakthrough toward a postmodern, human-scale democracy. Bryan and McClaughry propose a system of government through bio-regionally based shires that will become new and vital little republics.Power will devolve from the state to the shires, with each shire small enough to be known, governed, and loved by each one of its citizens. The state's responsibilities will focus, instead, on such issues as air and water pollution, civil rights and liberties, and relations with other states and nations. The authors give detailed, specific recommendations, and show clearly how the new democracy will work.

    Simon illuminates a critical quarter century of modern American history through one of the most important, and contentious, relationships in the annals of the American judiciary. Beginning in the early 1940s, Felix Frankfurter, eloquent advocate of judicial restraint, and Hugo Black, outspoken proponent of judicial activism, polarized the Supreme Court with their passionate disagreements on civil liberties issues. In so doing, they changed the Court and America forever.Simon has captured the rarely seen world of the Supreme Court where larger-than-life rivalries and personalities have an impact on the decisions that shape our lives. 8 pages of photos.

    It also provides a much-needed critique of the major philosophers of property, such as Locke, Kant, Hegel, Bentham, Mill, Hume, Honoré, and Nozick.

    Congressional committees now spend more of their time holding hearings to review the activities of federal agencies, and committee staff members are busy collecting information about what goes on during program implementation. This book examines the reasons behind the surprising growth of congressional oversight. Using original data collected for this project, Joel D. Aberbach documents the increase in oversight activity and links it to changes in the political environment. He explores the political purposes served by oversight, the techniques Congress uses to uncover information about the activities of the federal bureaucracy, and the reasons why topics get on the oversight agenda. He concludes that even though the U.S. government system was not designed with a large administrative sector in mind, its ability to expose bureaucratic behavior to public scrutiny is impressive, and the Congress plays a vital role in this endeavor.

    Meeting the needs of today's Hispanic population, Holman offers this efficient and effective tool for testifying at special events or using in missionary work.

    Linked by a positivist approach to philosophy and social science as well as the analytical idiom, contributors including Alex Callinicos, G. A. Cohen, Jon Elster, Norman Geras, Andrew Levine, Richard W. Miller, and Eric Olin Wright examine theoretical problems that arise once a Hegelian conceptual framework has been abandoned

    The author argues, in contrast to prevailing views held both in South Africa and the West, that rather than resulting from capitalism, apartheid is the antithesis of capitalism. In short, Williams asserts, the evolution of apartheid can be seen as a struggle against market forces in order to confer privilege and status on South African whites.Williams begins with a brief overview of South African history, the racial and ethnic diversity of its peoples, and the development of thinking about apartheid. He then highlights some of South Africa's legal institutions, particularly its racially discriminatory laws, and traces the historical forces behind racially discriminatory labor law. Subsequent chapters apply standard economic analysis to apartheid in business and the labor market and consider market challenges to apartheid and governmental responses. Finally, Williams summarizes recent changes to apartheid laws and offers a general discussion of the lessons about racial relations that can be drawn from the South African experience.

    A thought-provoking and chilling investigation into how computers are doing the thinking and making the decisions for many of today's managers.

    Testing his hypothesis chiefly against the evidence of the last century and a half, but extending it also to the ancient world and the sixteenth century, he finds a surprising degree of confirmation and some intriguing exceptions.

    Covering every major conflict since the Revolutionary War, the author of "America in the Twenties" explores how American society was shaped by war and how these conflicts were an integral part of America's technological development.