Power is the ultimate determinant in human society, being basic to the relations within any group and between groups. It implies the ability to defend one's interests and if necessary to impose one’s will by any means available. In relations between peoples, the question of power determines maneuverability in bargaining, the extent to which a people survive as a physical and cultural entity. When one society finds itself forced to relinquish power entirely to another society, that in itself is a form of underdevelopment.Before a bomb ended his life in the summer of 1980, Walter Rodney had created a powerful legacy. This pivotal work, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, had already brought a new perspective to the question of underdevelopment in Africa. his Marxist analysis went far beyond the heretofore accepted approach in the study of Third World underdevelopment. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa is an excellent introductory study for the student who wishes to better understand the dynamics of Africa’s contemporary relations with the West.

    debut almost fifty years ago, this brilliant text has set a new standard for historical scholarship of Latin America. It is also an outstanding political economy, a social and cultural narrative of the highest quality, and perhaps the finest description of primitive capital accumulation since Marx.Rather than chronology, geography, or political successions, Eduardo Galeano has organized the various facets of Latin American history according to the patterns of five centuries of exploitation. Thus he is concerned with gold and silver, cacao and cotton, rubber and coffee, fruit, hides and wool, petroleum, iron, nickel, manganese, copper, aluminum ore, nitrates, and tin. These are the veins which he traces through the body of the entire continent, up to the Rio Grande and throughout the Caribbean, and all the way to their open ends where they empty into the coffers of wealth in the United States and Europe.Weaving fact and imagery into a rich tapestry, Galeano fuses scientific analysis with the passions of a plundered and suffering people. An immense gathering of materials is framed with a vigorous style that never falters in its command of themes. All readers interested in great historical, economic, political, and social writing will find a singular analytical achievement, and an overwhelming narrative that makes history speak, unforgettably.This classic is now further honored by Isabel Allende’s inspiring introduction. Universally recognized as one of the most important writers of our time, Allende once again contributes her talents to literature, to political principles, and to enlightenment.

    This book is also perhaps the most comprehensive and thorough analysis of that increasingly important symbol — the political prisoner. Of her trial, Miss Davis writes, "I am charged with three capital offenses — murder, kidnapping, and conspiracy. My life is at stake in this case — not simply the life of a lone individual, but a life which has been given over to the struggles of my people, a life which belongs to Black people who are tired of poverty, and racism, of the unjust imprisonment of tens of thousands of our brothers and sisters.""I stand before this court," she declares, "as a target of a political frame-up which, far from pointing to my culpability, implicates the State of California as an agent of political repression....I declare publicly before the court, before the people of this country, that I am innocent of all charges which have been leveled against me by the State of California."On the central theme of this book Miss Davis contends that "the offense of the political prisoner in his political boldness, his consistent challenges — legally or extra-legally — of fundamental social wrongs fostered and reinforced by the state. He has opposed unjust laws and exploitative, racist social conditions in general, with the ultimate aim of transforming these laws and the society into an order harmonious with the material and spiritual need and interests of the vast majority of its members."Regarding his own defense, Ruchell Magee, the only prisoner who survived the same revolt and one of the many impressive contributors in this invaluable volume which includes George Jackson, Fleeta Drumgo, John Clutchette, James Baldwin, Bobby Seale and Ericka Huggins, states, "For over seven years I have been forced to stay in slavery on fraudulent pleas of guilty, made by attorneys, court-appointed attorneys, over my objection, over my plea of not guilty, and over my testimony of not guilty."

    Daley, politician and self-promoter extraordinaire, from his inauspicious youth on Chicago's South Side through his rapid climb to the seat of power as mayor and boss of the Democratic Party machine. A bare-all account of Daley's cardinal sins as well as his milestone achievements, this scathing work by Chicago journalist Mike Royko brings to life the most powerful political figure of his time: his laissez-faire policy toward corruption, his unique brand of public relations, and the widespread influence that earned him the epithet of "king maker." The politician, the machine, the city--Royko reveals all with witty insight and unwavering honesty, in this incredible portrait of the last of the backroom Caesars.New edition includes an Introduction in which the author reflects on Daley's death and the future of Chicago.

    

    Unique in his belief that the destiny of African Americans could not be separated from that of oppressed people the world over, Carmichael's Black Power principles insisted that blacks resist white brainwashing and redefine themselves. He was concerned not only with racism and exploitation, but with cultural integrity and the colonization of Africans in America. In these essays on racism, Black Power, the pitfalls of conventional liberalism, and solidarity with the oppressed masses and freedom fighters of all races and creeds, Carmichael addresses questions that still confront the black world and points to a need for an ideology of black and African liberation, unification, and transformation.

    The book burst upon the scene in the early seventies, and was swiftly acknowledged as a pioneering and prophetic approach to theology which famously made an option for the poor, placing the exploited, the alienated, and the economically wretched at the centre of a programme where "the oppressed and maimed and blind and lame" were prioritized at the expense of those who either maintained the status quo or who abused the structures of power for their own ends. This powerful, compassionate and radical book attracted criticism for daring to mix politics and religion in so explicit a manner, but was also welcomed by those who had the capacity to see that its agenda was nothing more nor less than to give "good news to the poor", and redeem God's people from bondage.

    It addresses itself, with depth and awareness, to those who believe in the destiny of their country, who feel that things are being done but don't know exactly what; that the country is going some place but don't know exactly where, and how. It illuminates hazy portions of the present by seeing these against the anguish of our past, perceiving in today's continuing crisis intimations of a future with dignity, hope and freedom.It invites the uncommitted to commit themselves to democracy, at the same time redefining for those already committed the value of their affirmation: that, stripped of the enticements of propaganda, communism is still the "biggest swindle in a democracy."Without heat, without cant, without despair, this book quietly and eloquently meets the challenge of revolution, and shows the way. For all who would be encompassed by disillusion, here is a profound treatise written by a man best qualified of all, who has lived in the vortex of the troubled present, swept awash by the dissonances of change, radicalism, violence—revolution, in short—but survived with faith and perception intact.

    A key work in establishing political ideology as a major concern of modern American historians, it remains the only full-scale evaluation of the ideas of the early Republican party. Now with a new introduction, Eric Foner puts his argument into the context of contemporary scholarship, reassessing the concept of free labor in the light of the last twenty-five years of writing on such issues as work, gender, economic change, and political thought. A significant reevaluation of the causes of the Civil War, Foner's study looks beyond the North's opposition to slavery and its emphasis upon preserving the Union to determine the broader grounds of its willingness to undertake a war against the South in 1861. Its search is for those social concepts the North accepted as vital to its way of life, finding these concepts most clearly expressed in the ideology of the growing Republican party in the decade before the war's start. Through a careful analysis of the attitudes of leading factions in the party's formation (northern Whigs, former Democrats, and political abolitionists) Foner is able to show what each contributed to Republican ideology. He also shows how northern ideas of human rights--in particular a man's right to work where and how he wanted, and to accumulate property in his own name--and the goals of American society were implicit in that ideology. This was the ideology that permeated the North in the period directly before the Civil War, led to the election of Abraham Lincoln, and led, almost immediately, to the Civil War itself. At the heart of the controversy over the extension of slavery, he argues, is the issue of whether the northern or southern form of society would take root in the West, whose development would determine the nation's destiny. In his new introductory essay, Foner presents a greatly altered view of the subject. Only entrepreneurs and farmers were actually "free men" in the sense used in the ideology of the period. Actually, by the time the Civil War was initiated, half the workers in the North were wage-earners, not independent workers. And this did not account for women and blacks, who had little freedom in choosing what work they did. He goes onto show that even after the Civil War these guarantees for "free soil, free labor, free men" did not really apply for most Americans, and especially not for blacks. Demonstrating the profoundly successful fusion of value and interest within Republican ideology prior to the Civil War, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men remains a classic of modern American historical writing. Eloquent and influential, it shows how this ideology provided the moral consensus which allowed the North, for the first time in history, to mobilize an entire society in modern warfare.

    It was a movement that embraced flower-power and psychedelic consciousness-expansion, that lionized Ho Chi Minh and Fidel Castro and launched the Black Panthers and the Theater of the Absurd.In Return Of The Primitive (originally published in 1971 as The New Left), Ayn Rand, bestselling novelist and originator of the theory of Objectivism, identified the intellectual roots of this movement. She urged people to repudiate its mindless nihilism and to uphold, instead, a philosophy of reason, individualism, capitalism, and technological progress.Editor Peter Schwartz, in this new, expanded version of The New Left, has reorganized Rand's essays and added some of his own in order to underscore the continuing relevance of her analysis of that period. He examines such current ideologies as feminism, environmentalism and multiculturalism and argues that the same primitive, tribalist, anti-industrial mentality which animated the New Left a generation ago is shaping society today.

    The authors present a boldly comprehensive, brilliant new theory to explain the comparative underdevelopment of the U.S. welfare state among advanced industrial nations. Their conceptual framework promises to shape the debate within current and future administrations as they attempt to rethink the welfare system and its role in American society."Uncompromising and provocative. . . . By mixing history, political interpretation and sociological analysis, Piven and Cloward provide the best explanation to date of our present situation . . . no future discussion of welfare can afford to ignore them." --Peter Steinfels, The New York Times Book Review

    These speeches document Malcolm's progression from Black nationalism to internationalism, and are key to both understanding his extraordinary life and illuminating his angry yet uplifting cause.

    At the time she was beginning a two-year appointment as ActingAssistant Professor in Philosophy, an appointment duly recommended by the Department of Philosophy and enthusiastically approved by the UCLA Administration. The first of the two lectureswas delivered in Royce Hall to an audience of over fifteen hundred students and interested colleagues. At the lecture's end Professor Davis was given a prolonged standing ovation by the audience. It was, we thought, a vindication of academic freedomand democratic education. For the lectures are part of an attempt to bring to light the forbidden history of the enslavement and oppression of black people, and to place that history in an illuminating philosophical context. At the same time, theyare sensitive, original and incisive: the work of an excellent teacher and a truly fine scholar.Around this time Professor Davis is a prisoner of the society that should have welcomed her talents, her honesty and the contribution she was making toward understanding and resolving the most critical problem of that society—the division between its oppressors and its oppressed. First she was attacked by the Regents of theUniversity of California, who attempted to dismiss her from the University on the patently illegal ground of her membership in the Communist Party. When this attempt was overruled by theSuperior Court of Los Angeles, the Regents denied her the normal continuation of her appointment for a second year, in spite of recommendations from a host of review committees and the Chancellor of UCLA that she be reappointed. During the summerof 1970, she was charged with kidnapping. murder, and unlawful flight to avoid prosecution. and was placed on the FBI most wanted list. When apprehended, she was held on excessive bail,then denied bail, and subsequently has been kept in isolation from other prisoners. In her first lecture Professor Davis points out that keepingan oppressed class in ignorance is one of the principal instruments of its oppression. Like Frederick Douglass, the black slave whose life and work she surveys here, Professor Davis isone of the educated oppressed. Like him, she has achieved full consciousness of what it is to be oppressed, and has heightened this consciousness in her own people and in others. There canbe little doubt that her effectiveness in blunting the oppressive weapon of ignorance was the chief motive for her removal from the University of California, and a major motive in the harshtreatment she has since received. These are lectures dealing with the phenomenology of oppressionand liberation. It is one thing to make the elementary point that millions are still oppressed in what is advertised as the world's most free society. It is much more difficult to lay out the causes of that oppression and the ways in which it is perpetuated; its psychological meaning to the oppressor and theoppressed; and the process by which the latter becomes conscious of it; and the way in which they triumph over it. This was the task Professor Davis set for herself. She brings to her work a rich philosophical background, a piercing intellect andthe knowledge born of experience.It was perhaps inevitable that Professor Davis should become a symbol for conflicting groups and causes. But it is well to remember that behind the symbol lies the human being; whosethoughts are recorded here, and that when she stands trial not only a human cause but also a human life will be tried. In themeantime, we take pride in presenting these two lectures by a distinguished colleague and friend. May they everywhere contribute to the defeat of oppression. (1971 Introduction)an HONORABLE pamphlet of political activist, academic scholar, and author Angela Yvonne Davis24 Pages Black History Studies, Slavery, Black Consciousness, JusticeDownload and Read Link:https://archive.org/details/AngelaDav...

    The book further contains a detailed examination of Marx's philosophy of internal relations, the much neglected logical foudation of his method, and provides a systematic account of Marx's conception of human nature. Because of its almost unique concern with helping readers understand Marx's unusual use of language, Alienation has proven very popular in university courses on Marxism on both undergraduate and graduate levels. The first edition was widely reviewed, and in this new edition Professor Ollman replies to his critics in 'More on internal relations, ' published here as Appendix II. In addition to this new appendix the author now provides a more systematic discussion of Marx's theory of ideology, elements of which were formerly dispersed throughout the book. He also attempts to set the treatment of political alienation within the broader framework of Marx's theory of the state as a model of how an approach based on internal relations can be used to integrate various apparently contradictory interpretations of Marx's views

    This classic work by the author of Ideas Have Consequences boldly examines the Intellectual roots of our current cultural crisis.

    Not simply revised, but completely re-written, the Second Edition of this classic text is a fresh reinterpretation of the theories and events surrounding the Cuban Missle Crisis, incorporating all new information from the Kennedy tapes and recently declassified Soviet files. Essence of Decision Second Edition, is a vivid look at decision-making under pressure and is the only single volume work that attempts to answer the enduring question: how should citizens understand the actions of their government?

    This highly readable and absorbing collection of significant excerpts from the hearings shows with painful clarity how HUAC grew from a panel that investigated possible subversive activities in a "dignified" manner to a huge, unrelenting accusatory finger from which almost no one was safe. This book serves as a warning for the future and creates living history from the documentary record. "The basic document with which all future studies of the [House Un-American Activities] Committee will have to begin." —Dalton Trumbo "...what he has done is give us HUAC as spectacle, and the perspective is shattering."—Victor Navasky, The New York Times

    The transcript of their discussion is a revealing and unique book filled with candor, passion, rage, and brilliance. "Blunt, peppery, and spontaneous. . . ".--The Atlantic.

    With fully documented work Allen exposes how conspiratorial forces behind the scenes actually "control" and "dictate" our government and its policies.

    

    A dynamic table of contents allows you to jump directly to the work selected.Table of Contents:- A Letter to Grover Cleveland- A Letter to Thomas F. Bayard- A New Banking System- An Essay on the Trial by Jury- No Treason Volume VI.- The Unconstitutionality of Slavery

    

    The fascinating story of the activist and self-sufficiency pioneer who made his name as a formidable opponent of child labour and military imperialism.

    It is a book that brought Ivan Illich to public attention. Full of detail on programs and concerns, the book gives examples of the ineffectual nature of institutionalized education. Illich posited self-directed education, supported by intentional social relations in fluid informal arrangements.

    Their activities, primarily in the realm of religion and education, had a great impact on Minangkabau society as a whole. This fascinating study explores the activities of the second generation of modernist scholars, the students of the Kaum Muda ulama, and their relationship to the Dutch colonizers, their surrounding environment, and their society. The author focuses especially upon that intersection between education, politics, and religion that was prominent until 1933 when the Dutch arrested several important leaders of the movement and dealt a blow to political activity. 1971. 257 pages.

    

    Allende’s Popular Unity coalition embraced Socialists and Communists and campaigned on an election programme of unprecedented radicalism – nothing less than the abolition of monopoly capitalism and imperialism in Chile. In this book Régis Debray, recently released from his Bolivian gaol, questions President Allende about his strategy for socialism. These discussions range widely over the history of the workers’ movement in Chile, the strength of imperialism in Latin America, the experience of the first months of the Allende government, the role of the Chilean armed forces, Allende’s personal background and friendship with Che Guevara, the seizure of land by peasants since the Popular Unity victory, and the international outlook of the new Chile. In an introductory essay Debray furnishes an analysis of Chilean history and politics which situates Allende in the past and present of the country, and explores the dynamics of the class struggle now unfolding there.

    It is generally acknowledged to be the oldest surviving work devoted to "economics", and it constitutes the classic statement of "economic" thought in ancient Greece. The dialogue examines the roles of husband and wife in the household and the division of labor between them, and considers the duties of the farm steward and the housekeeper. It discusses the goals of efficient management and the means for attaining these goals.

    But what sort of organization do we need? These essays show why we need something more than single-issue organizations, movement coalitions, or reformist organizations if we are to achieve real change.

    

    The author finds analogies to social psychology and to the psychology of propaganda in the theory of conditioned reflexes. After reviewing the history of the use of propaganda through the ages, he discusses the use and the aims of propaganda in pre-World War II totalitarian states. Extremely useful for students of the social sciences. This title is cited and recommended by Books for College Libraries.

    

    G. A. Pocock announces the emergence of the history of political thought as a discipline apart from political philosophy. Traditionally, "history" of political thought has meant a chronological ordering of intellectual systems without attention to political languages; but it is through the study of those languages and of their changes, Pocock claims, that political thought will at last be studied historically. Pocock argues that the solution has already been approached by, first, the linguistic philosophers, with their emphasis on the importance of language study to understanding human thought, and, second, by Thomas Kuhn's The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, with its notion of controlling intellectual paradigms. Those paradigms within and through which the scientist organizes his intellectual enterprise may well be seen as analogous to the worlds of political discourse in which political problems are posed and political solutions are proffered. Using this notion of successive paradigms, Pocock demonstrates its effectiveness by analyzing a wide range of subjects, from ancient Chinese philosophy to Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Burke.

    

    

    Again and again he has come up against the frustration of power.In this extraordinary political profile the authors of Lyndon B. Johnson: The Exercise of Power dissect every aspect of the Nixon administration to date. They show why, almost from the very beginning “the frustration of power” has characterized the Nixon Presidency, and how the reason lies in the personality of Richard Nixon himself—“a complicated, enigmatic man—sometimes super-pragmatic, sometimes doctrinaire, sometimes decisive, but always alone and sometimes lonely.”

    By the time the two Brits arrived a month later, full insurrection was underway and they found themselves not only travelers in a remote, unexplored land, but witnesses to history. Rich in its reflections on Bosnian culture, landscape, and history, Evans' account serves also as a window into one of the country's most important social upheavals. Part travelogue, part first-person journalism, this is living, breathing history at its best. Best known for discovering and naming the Bronze Age civilization of the Minoans, British archaeologist SIR ARTHUR JOHN EVANS (1851-1941) also wrote Cretan Pictographs and Prae-Phoenician Script, The Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult, and The Palace of Minos.

    For more than 120 years, his uncanny predictive insight has continued to fascinate thinkers, and his writings have continued to influence our interpretations of history and society. His analyses of many issues remain relevant to current social and political problems. In this volume John Stone and Stephen Mennell bring together for the first time selections from the full range of Tocqueville's writings, selections that illustrate the depth of his insight and analysis.

    

    They keep running up against a variety of regulations and regulators. Learn more about: bailiff, Officer Grimm, no man's land, iron railings, and Registration rights.

    

    

    This first real comparison of the civil governments of two traditional East Asian societies on an institution-by-institution basis is now reissued with a new preface.

    

    It tells the history of the Jews from the conquest of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon in 587BCE to the 2nd Jewish Revolt of 132CE. John bases his account on traditional texts–-books of the Old Testament, Josephus, Philo Judaeus, Dio Cassius etc-–& sets out the complicated parade of plots, counterplots, betrayals & insurrections in a brisk & readable sequence. His main theme is how the conception of the Jewish nation as a divinely chosen race was planted as a political ambition among the exiled Jews. Bringing together old customs & stories, the idea was fired by the longing of the Babylonian Jews for their traditional homeland. Many of them grew prosperous outside Palestine & their wealthy communities manipulated the wish for identity into the idea of an exclusive Judaism embodied as a political state & fighting for autonomy against local & imperial neighbors–-more dream than fact. He wrote: "When the ‘new Judaism’ came to be hammered out after the return from captivity, it was around these ancient customs & a historicized mythology that it was fashioned. & the mainspring for this romantic movement came not from the bleak, desolated Jerusalem of reality, but from the emotions of Babylonian Jews feeding their imaginations on unhistorical traditions about their origins & paying fervent homage to an exclusive religious cult very largely of their own devising." (p.39) The Chosen People was published by:Hodder & Stoughton, London, '71-Hardcover 1st EditionDoubleday & Co., Garden City, NY, '72-Hardcover 1st US EditionPanther Books, St Albans, UK, '73-Paper

    

    

    One of the few economists of the Eastern bloc ... read with interest by Western economists ... The book attracted considerable attention.

    In the highest tradition of the soldier-statesman, Dr. Israel Eldad advocates a form of Zionism that is unpopular in conventional society. He condemns establishmentarian, social-club Zionism as a belittling of Jewish history and a threat to Jewish lives. In its place, he calls for a revolutionary creed one that dares assert its right to the Jewish homeland; not as defined by diplomats, politicians and Security Council Resolutions, but in biblical, historical terms. He boldly declares that Jewish diplomacy failed to save millions of European Jews, and he accuses world leaders of inviting new Holocausts by denying history s lessons and ignoring its imperatives. He warns the Jewish people that it can rely only on its own forces, and he offers a solution to the Arab problem in the Middle East. The Jewish Revolution combines the passion of the patriot, the logic of the scholar and the sweep of the historian.

    

    

    It takes us from the arrival of English settlers in the Middle ages up to the present day -the struggle in the words of James Fintan Lalor, to make Ireland her own, and all therein, from the sod to the sky. The author describes this book as 'An Outline History of the Irish struggle for National Freedom and Independence', but it is much more than that. As an 'Outline History' it has no equal, and for several reasons. In the first place this is the only book in which, right from the beginning and throughout it's pages, the economic factors are placed in a proper perspective alongside of and intermingled with the political. Many historians have written of this long struggle with pride and emotion, but none has produced anything so effective as this memorable account of every aspect of Irish social, economic and political history. The book describes the conquest and the first steps taken by England towards Empire in the 12th Century and brings the reader up to the partition of Ireland in the early 1920's. Added to this, C.Desmond Greaves has written a concluding chapter on the events from the then to the civil rights movement of the late 1960's and the start of the current round of troubles in Northern Ireland It is not only a clearly and vigorously written history, but also a guide to Imperialism in general and an invaluable handbook for all students of politics whatever their opinions may be T. A Jackson was born in London in 1879 and served an apprenticeship as a printer He was known as a radical socialist, a prolific, lively and witty writer for left wing press he wrote a number of books. His other books include Dialectics: The Logic of Marxism, Charles Dickens: The Progress of a Radical, Trials of British Freedom, Socialism: What? Why? How?, Solo Trumpet, Old Friends To Keep. Edited and with an Epilogue by C. Desmond Greaves.

    The readings form a coherent outline of transformational theory, Chomsky's controversial challenge to structural linguistics. Topics include syntactic structure, features, and categories; phonology, syntax, and semantics; language acquisition; and language teaching.

    Looking back 30 years later, we still share Chomsky’s concern: Will this new war lead us to an ever-expanding battle against the people of the world and increasing repression at home?Drawing in part on his visits to Asia and in part on his extensive reading in the field, Chomsky discusses the historical, political and economic reasons behind our involvement in a Southeast Asian land war. Chomsky examines the impact of our involvement on United States military strategy and what its eventual effect will be in America and abroad. While the people of the world are clearly the victims of U.S. foreign policy, the citizens of the United States have not been able to escape harm. In an eerie prediction of current events, Chomsky states:It is unlikely that we can continue indefinitely on this mad course without severe domestic depression and regimentation. For those who hope to rule the world, to win what some scholars like to call ‘the game of world domination,’ American policies in Southeast Asia may appear rational. To the citizens of the empire, at home and abroad, they bring only pain and sorrow. In this respect we are reliving the history of earlier imperial systems. We have had many opportunities to escape this trap and still do today. Failure to take advantages of these opportunities, continued submission to indoctrination, and indifference to the fate of others, will surely spell disaster for much of the human race.At War With Asia is an indispensable guide to understanding both the past and current logic of imperial force.Introduction by Christian Parrenti.

    He made his philosophy of "reverence for life" an ethic for the world. The hospital he founded in LambarA(c)nA(c) (still in operation in present-day Gabon) is a model of what Europeans might have given to Africans throughout colonial history. But above all, Albert Schweitzer (1875-1965) was a talented and compassionate human being. This biography probes beyond the timeworn image of Schweitzer as "the old man in the pith helmet" to reveal the philosopher, scholar, husband, father, humanitarian, and liberal rebel in a conservative church.

    Dispelling the myth of scientific purity and detachment, Daniel S. Greenberg documents in revealing detail the political processes that underpinned government funding of science from the 1940s to the 1970s.While the book's hard-hitting approach earned praise from a broad audience, it drew harsh fire from many scientists, who did not relish their turn under the microscope. The fact that this dispute is so reminiscent of today's acrimonious "Science Wars" demonstrates that although science has changed a great deal since The Politics of Pure Science first appeared, the politics of science has not—which is why this book retains its importance.For this new edition, John Maddox (Nature editor emeritus) and Steven Shapin have provided introductory essays that situate the book in broad social and historical context, and Greenberg has written a new afterword taking account of recent developments in the politics of science."[A] book of consequence about science as one of the more consequential social institutions in the modern world. It is one that could be understood and should be read by the President, legislators, scientists and the rest of us ordinary folk. . . . Informative and perceptive."—Robert K. Merton, New York Times Book Review

    It was also one of the worst reported. With minor exceptions, the Press chose to rewrite what had occurred, presumably to fit in with what seemed to them the acceptable prejudices of the times. Perhaps this was inevitable. The proceedings dragged on for nearly six weeks in the hot summer of 1971 when there were, no doubt, a great many other events more worthy of attention. Against the background of murder in Ulster, for example, the OZ affair probably fades into its proper insignificance. Even so, after the trial, when some newspapers realisedthat maybe something important had happened, it became more and more apparent that what was essential was for anyone who wished to be able to read what had actually been said. Trial and judgment by a badly informed press became the order of the day. This 40th Anniversary edition includes new material by all three of the original defendants, the prosecuting barrister, one of the OZ schoolkids, and even the daughters of the judge. There are also many illustrations including unseen material from Feliz Dennis' own collection...

    

    

    Not a book for the few Nixon fans, but for everyone else it's a hoot! The book you didn't dare read back in 1971, is now a book that is safe to read.