An American Iliad in the guise of contemporary political reportage, What It Takes penetrates the mystery at the heart of all presidential campaigns: How do presumably ordinary people acquire that mixture of ambition, stamina, and pure shamelessness that makes a true candidate? As he recounts the frenzied course of the 1988 presidential race -- and scours the psyches of contenders from George Bush and Robert Dole to Michael Dukakis and Gary Hart -- Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Richard Ben Cramer comes up with the answers, in a book that is vast, exhaustively researched, exhilarating, and sometimes appalling in its revelations.

    From a master class in "The Impunity of Power" to a seminar on "The Sacred Car"—with tips along the way on "How to Resist Useless Vices" and a declaration of the "The Right to Rave"—he surveys a world unevenly divided between abundance and deprivation, carnival and torture, power and helplessness.We have accepted a "reality" we should reject, he writes, one where poverty kills, people are hungry, machines are more precious than humans, and children work from dark to dark. In the North, we are fed on a diet of artificial need and all made the same by things we own; the South is the galley slave enabling our greed.

    Herer thoroughly documents the petrochemical industry's plot to outlaw this renewable source of paper, energy, food, textiles, and medicine. Photos, illustrations & charts. 10 tables. Size D. 330 pp.

    Pedagogy of Hope represents a chronicle and synthesis of the ongoing social struggles of Latin America and the Third World since the landmark publication of Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Here, Freire once again explores his best-known analytical themes--with even deeper understanding and a greater wisdom. Certainly, all of these themes have to be analyzed as elements of a body of critical, liberationist pedagogy. In this book, we come to understand the author's pedagogical thinking even better, through the critical seriousness, humanistic objectivity, and engaged subjectivity which, in all of Freire's books, are always wedded to a unique creative innovativeness. Pedagogy of Hope is a testimonial to the inner vitality of generations that have not prospered, and to the often silent, generous strength of millions who refuse to let hope be extinguished: people throughout the world who have been empowered by Pedagogy of the Oppressed and all of Paulo Freire's writings.

    Helena Kennedy focuses on the treatment of women in our courts - at the prejudices of judges, the misconceptions of jurors, the labyrinths of court procedures and the influence of the media. But the inequities she uncovers could apply equally to any disadvantaged group - to those whose cases are subtly affected by race, class poverty or politics, or who are burdened, even before they appear in court, by misleading stereotypes.

    As politicians, citizens, and families continue the raging national debate on whether it's proper to end human life in the womb, resources like Randy Alcorn's Prolife Answers to Prochoice Arguments

    Book by Benson, Ezra T.

    $40 million was missing. The credit union's manager: Republican Party activist Lawrence E. "Larry" King, Jr., behind whose rise to fame and riches stood powerful figures in Nebraska politics and business, and in the nation's capital.In the face of opposition from local and state law enforcement, from the FBI, and from the powerful Omaha World-Herald newspaper, a special Franklin committee of the Nebraska Legislature launched its own probe. What looked like a financial swindle, soon exploded into a hideous tale of drugs, Iran-Contra money-laundering, a nationwide child abuse ring, and ritual murder.Nineteen months later, the legislative committee's chief investigator died—suddenly, and violently, like more than a dozen other people linked to the Franklin case.Author John DeCamp knows the Franklin scandal from the inside. In 1990, his "DeCamp memo" first publicly named the alleged high-ranking abusers. Today, he is attorney for two of the abuse victims.Using documentation never before made public, DeCamp lays bare not only the crimes, but the cover-up—a textbook case of how dangerous the corruption of institutions of government, and the press, can be. In its sweep and in what it portends for the nation, the Franklin cover-up followed the ugly precedent of the Warren Commission.

    It is selected, arranged, and introduced by William Safire, who honed his skills as a presidential speechwriter. He is considered by many to be America's most influential political columnist and most elegant explicator of our language. Covering speeches from Demosthenes to George W. Bush, this latest edition includes the words of Cromwell to the "Rump Parliament," Orson Welles eulogizing Darryl F. Zanuck, General George Patton exhorting his troops before D-Day, and Ruth Bader Ginsburg speaking on Bush v. Gore. A new section incorporates speeches that were never delivered: what Kennedy was scheduled to say in Dallas; what Safire wrote for Nixon if the first moon landing met with disaster; and what Clinton originally planned to say after his grand jury testimony but swapped for a much fiercer speech.

    An indictment of the American educational system criticizes the fact that the system has discarded the traditional goals of transmitting knowledge and fostering cognitive skills in favor of building self-esteem and promoting social harmony.

    With chapters on Haiti, Latin America, the new global economic order, the Third World at home, and much more, this is a powerful treatise on the not-so-new New World Order.

    This substantially revised 3rd edition of this text on political ideologies takes full account of the impact of the post Cold War world order, the challenge of postmodernism, the advance of globalization and the advent of global terrorism, and includes additional coverage of the prospects for ideologies in the 21st century.

    Scandals about oil are familiar to most of us. From George W. Bush's election victory to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, US politics and oil enjoy a controversially close relationship. The US economy relies upon the cheap and unlimited supply of this single fuel. William Engdahl takes the reader through a history of the oil industry's grip on the world economy. His revelations are startling.

    Exploring key anarchist ideas of society and the state, freedom and equality, authority and power, the record investigates the successes and failures of anarchist movements throughout the world. Presenting a balanced and critical survey, the detailed document covers not only classic anarchist thinkers--such as Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Reclus, and Emma Goldman--but also other libertarian figures, such as Nietzsche, Camus, Gandhi, Foucault, and Chomsky. Essential reading for anyone wishing to understand what anarchists stand for and what they have achieved, this fascinating account also includes an epilogue that examines the most recent developments, including postanarchism and anarcho-primitivism as well as the anarchist contributions to the peace, green, and global justice movements of the 21st century.

    Yet even as the televised proceedings shocked and galvanized viewers not only in this country but the world over, they cast a long shadow on essential issues that define America.In Race-ing Justice, En-gendering Power, Toni Morrison contributes an introduction and brings together eighteen provocative essays, all but one written especially for this book, by prominent and distinguished academicians—black and white, male and female. These writings powerfully elucidate not only the racial and sexual but also the historical, political, cultural, legal, psychological, and linguistic aspects of a signal and revelatory moment in American history.With contributions by:Homi K. Bhabha, Margaret A. Burnham, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Paula Giddings, A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., Claudia Brodsky Lacour, Wahneema Lubiano, Manning Marable, Nellie Y. McKay, Toni Morrison, Nell Irvin Painter, Gayle Pemberton, Andrew Ross, Christine Stansell, Carol M. Swain, Michael Thelwell, Kendall Thomas, Cornel West, Patricia J. Williams

    They record Lincoln's campaigns for public office; the evolution of his stand against slavery; his pyrotechnic debates with Stephen Douglas; his conduct of the Civil War; and the great public utterances of his presidency, including the Emancipation Proclamation and the Gettysburg Address.For the first time, the authoritative editions of works by major American novelists, poets, scholars, and essayists collected in the hardcover volumes of The Library of America are being published singly in a series of handsome paperback books. A distinguished writer has contributed an introduction for each volume, which also includes a chronology of the author's life and career, an essay on the text, and notes.

    This selection includes "Vices Are Not Crimes," "Natural Law," "Trial by Jury," "No Treason, the Constitution of No Authority," "Letter to Thomas Bayard," and Benjamin Tucker's eulogy.

    The author of The Death and Life of Great American Cities looks at business fraud and criminal enterprise, overextended government farm subsidies and zealous transit police, to show what happens when the moral systems of commerce collide with those of politics.

    Kennedy, his murder continues to haunt the American psyche and stands as a turning point in our nation's history. The Warren Commission rushed out its Report, but the questions would not go away. Was there a conspiracy? Was there a coup at the highest levels of government? Today, after millions upon millions have seen Oliver Stone's incisive film, JFK, the drive to reexamine this crime of the century has reached fever pitch. The core of that movement, the protagonist of JFK, is Jim Garrison. On March 1, 1967, New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison electrified the world by arresting local businessman Clay Shaw for conspiracy to murder the President. His co-conspirator, David Ferrie, had been found dead a few days before. Garrison charged that elements of the United States government, in particular the CIA, were behind the crime. From the beginning, his probe was virulently attacked in the media and violently denounced from Washington. His office was infiltrated and sabotaged, and witnesses disappeared and died strangely. Eventually, Shaw was acquitted after the briefest of jury deliberations and the only prosecution ever brought for the murder of President Kennedy was over. But Garrison never stopped pursuing the case, and, over the years, an army of investigators and researchers have confirmed the essence of his case; Jim Garrison has been vindicated. Only a small minority of Americans still support the conclusions of the Warren Commission, and, since the release of JFK, that minority is shrinking every day. There is a growing demand for the declassification of the mountains of documents that have been locked up in government vaults for decades. There are calls for a new and thorough investigation. James DiEugenio's Destiny Betrayed is the most up-to-date and clearest analysis ever published of Garrison's pioneering inquiry and the assassination itself. The author not only studied all the exis

    In 1965, Martin Luther King, Jr., set the nation's sights on the city when he said, If we crack Chicago, then we crack the world. Black empowerment would take off like a prairie fire across the land. Here is the story of Harold Washington's election in 1983 as the city's first black mayor. Photographs.

    This edition also contains more new material as well as all the original essays - from the myth-making of the Gulf War to the surreal pleasures of Disneyland. Breaking through the consensual silence, Pilger pays tribute to those dissenting voices we are seldom permitted to hear.

    

    It is filled with colorful characters, who risk their lives and reputations in the secret service of their nation. R. James Woolsey, former Director of Central Intelligence, writes: “Raviv and Melman have redefined the gold standard for nonfiction about intelligence. This remarkable history of Israeli intelligence from the War of Independence to Stuxnet calls it straight. By describing the roots of both the triumphs and the screw-ups thoroughly and fairly the authors help us see not only how Israel's survival has been effectively protected but the huge debt the rest of us owe.” The award-winning historian Douglas Brinkley, author of CRONKITE, writes: “The revelatory research amassed in SPIES AGAINST ARMAGEDDON is nothing short of stunning. Raviv and Melman understand the inner workings of Israel’s Mossad better than most Mossad agents. Highly recommended!” James Roche, a former Secretary of the Air Force, writes: "Fascinating vignettes ... a detailed exposition of the activities of serious, professional, and generally successful Israeli operatives who are dedicated totally to the defense of Israel and the Jewish people."

    Here is a tough-minded exploration of why we're in trouble, starting with the basic issues of who gets heard, who gets ignored, and why. Greider shows us the realities of power in Washington today, uncovering the hidden relationships that link politicians with corporations and the rich, and that subvert the needs of ordinary citizens. How do we put meaning back into public life? Greider shares the stories of some citizens who have managed to crack Washington's "Grand Bazaar" of influence peddling as he reveals the structures designed to thwart them. Without naiveté or cynicism, Greider shows us how the system can still be made to work for the people, and delineates the lines of battle in the struggle to save democracy. By showing us the reality of how the political decisions that shape our lives are made, William Greider explains how we can begin to take control once more.

    Wade decision, here is the engrossing story of the case by the attorney who successfully argued it in the Supreme Court--now with a new chapter on the current situation. B/W photos.

    This book is easy to read and important for our times, in which secularism and pluralism reign supreme. Provocative on every page!

    Fromevery mountaintop, let freedomring. --Martin Luther King, Jr. From the dusty back roads of Montgomery, Alabama, to the legendary March on Washington, D.C., Martin Luther King, Jr., brought a stirring message of peace, equality, and justice to a divided people. He aspired only to be a Baptist minister, but by the time he was tragically assassinated in 1968 at the age of thirty-nine, he had led a movement that destroyed segregation in the South, and he had won the Nobel Prize for Peace.Now, a quarter century after his death, his words are as significant and moving as they were in the 1960s. Watts burns today as it did then; issues of race, justice and human dignity are still the most critical problems facing our nation. This handsome quotation book represents the finest of the Reverend King's words; it is a classic volume compiled from his essays, lectures, and speeches by his wife, Coretta Scott King. Excerpts form his most famous speech-"I Have a Dream" and "I've Been to the Mountaintop"-are included, as well as equally powerful but lesser known quotations. King's vision of healing and forgiveness is a timeless message that American can ill afford to ignore.

    Examines America's dismal welfare state and challenges the church to return to its biblical role as guardian of the poor.

    The book is complete with historical annotation, with 340 research notes and 97 reactions and commentaries by Norman Mailer, Tom Wicker, Gerald R. Ford, and many others.

    As mayor of Boston, as a United States congressman, as governor of Massachusetts, Curley rose from the slums of South Boston in a career extending from the Progressive Era of Teddy Roosevelt to the ascendancy of the Kennedy sons. While Curley lived, he represented both the triumph of Irish Americans and the birth of divisive politics of ethnic and racial polarization; when he died, over one million mourners turned out to pay their respects in the largest wake Boston had ever seen.Nominated for a National Book Critics Circle Award in Biography, Beatty's spellbinding story of "the Kingfish of Massachusetts" is also an epic of his city, its immigrant people, and its turbulent times. It is simply biography at its best."Beatty's book is a delight--rich, witty, flowing, and full of insight about the nature of political corruption."--Constance Casey, Los Angeles Times"A panoramic, exquisitely incisive biography that illuminates the triumphs, debacles, and personal sorrows of the irrepressible man known as Boston's 'Mayor of the Poor.'"--Robert Wilson, USA Today

    From 007 to 2001, from Dealey Plaza to the Apollo Moon Flight, from the barrel of a Bulldog .44 to the corridors of the pyramids of Sirius; from the secret symbolism of Jack the Ripper to the public symbolism of the first atomic bomb blast, this work illuminates the crimes and command ideology of the masonic Cryptocracy, where ground zero meets the zero hour in a bestial crucible of ritual murder, human alchemy and demonic invasion.

    From boom to recession, Hawke to Keating, and Labor's victory for the "true believers" in 1993, Paul Kelly has written the ultimate inside story of how the 1980s changed Australia and its political parties forever. His detailed scrutiny of the inner working of the Hawke-Keating partnership and its slow disintegration, his unraveling of the crippling rivalries for the Liberal Party leadership, and his burrowing into cabinet room struggles over the deregulation of Australia's financial system reveal the brutal realities of Australian politics and how it is played at the very top. But above all, he reminds us of the sheer pace of economic and social change the country lived through and the wake of uncertainty it left behind. Joining The Hawke Ascendancy, this is the second installment in Paul Kelly's analysis of modern Australian politics.

    They include Roberto Unger, advocate of plasticity; the historians of antiquity and of revolution, Geoffrey de Ste. Croix and Isaac Deutscher; the philosophers of liberalism, Norberto Bobbio and Isaiah Berlin; the sociologists of power, Michael Mann and W.G. Runciman; the exponents of national identity, Andreas Hillgruber and Fernand Braudel; the ironists of science, Max Weber and Ernest Gellner; Carlo Ginzburg, explorer of cultural continuity, and Marshall Berman, herald of modernity. A concluding chapter looks at the idea of the end of history, recently advanced by Francis Fukuyama, in its successive versions from the nineteenth century to the present, and considers the situation of socialism today in the light of it.

    Barlett and Steele deftly expose the shifting tax burdens, deregulation, foreign investment, bankruptcy laws, and other changes that have reeked havoc on the middle class.

    Amazingly, Sinclair swept the Democratic primary, leading a mass movement called EPIC (End Poverty in California). More than a thousand EPIC chapters formed, much like Occupy Wall Street sites popped up in 2011.Alarmed, Sinclair’s opponents launched an unprecedented public relations blitzkrieg to discredit him. The result was nothing less than a revolution in American politics, and with it, the era of the “spin doctor” was born. The iconic Hollywood producer Irving Thalberg created the first "attack ads" for the screen, the precursor of today's TV travesties. Hollywood took its first all-out plunge into politics and money started to play the tune in our political process.In a riveting, blow-by-blow narrative featuring the likes of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Louis B. Mayer, H. L. Mencken, William Randolph Hearst, Will Rogers, Katharine Hepburn, and a Who's Who of political, literary and entertainment stars, Greg Mitchell brings to life the outrageous campaign that forever transformed the electoral process.A finalist for the Los Angeles Times Book Award, it served as the basis for one episode in the award-winning PBS documentary "The Great Depression"

    The book combines scholarship and observations to illuminate the life and career of one of Britain's most controversial post-war statesmen. Wilson is one of the most enigmatic personalities of recent British history. He held office as Prime Minister for longer than any other Labour leader, and longer than any other premier in peacetime apart from Mrs Thatcher. His success at winning General Elections - four in all - has so far not been matched. His grasp of economic policy was better than that of any other Prime Minister, and he enjoyed a high reputation among foreign leaders. Yet, in retrospect, he seems a master tactician rather than a strategiest - and he is regarded today with more curiosity than respect, when he is not treated with contempt.

    The most important book on the subject of race for many years.--National Review.

    James was one of the most significant writers of our times. James was born in 1901, in Trinidad. He died in London, in 1989. He lived a life which reflected many of the distinctive features of the twentieth century. James made an outstanding contribution to debates on politics, history, art, literature and sport. His revolutionary vision has inspired social movements in the United States, Britain, Africa and the Caribbean. It remains central to any understanding of the modern world.Until now much of his work has remained inaccessible; but Anna Grimshaw brings together here both published and unpublished material to give us the essential C.L.R. James. This Reader includes a selection of early fiction, the complete text of the play The Black Jacobins, numerous extracts from his personal archive and the classic essays, "The Case of West-Indian Self-Government," "Popular Art and the Cultural Tradition," and "Black Power." Prepared in collaboration with James in his final year of life, this collection offers a unique insight into the range and development of his life's work.

    

    The author examines ancient city states and then looks in more detail at European society and worldwide contemporary society.

    This unorthodox biography focuses on Burke's thoughts, responses, and actions to the great events and debates surrounding Britain's tumultuous relationships with her three colonies—America, Ireland, and India—and archrival France."In bringing Burke to our attention, Mr. O'Brien has brought back a lost treasure. The Great Melody is a brilliant work of narrative sweep and analytical depth. Conor Cruise O'Brien on Edmund Burke is a literary gift to political thought."—John Patrick Diggins, New York Times Book Review"Serious readers of history are in for a treat: a book by the greatest living Irishman on the greatest Irishman who ever lived. . . . O'Brien's study is not merely a reconstruction of a fascinating man and period. It is also a tract for the times. . . . I cannot remember another time when I finished a book of more than 600 pages wishing it were longer."—Paul Johnson, The Independent"The Great Melody combines superb biography and fascinating history with a profound understanding of political philosophy."—Former President Richard Nixon

    European philosophers of the Enlightenment such as Jean Jacques Rousseau had begun pressing for democratic reforms in Europe on the basis of glowing reports by early settlers about the New World and its native inhabitants. The founding fathers of the United States, in turn, were inspired to fight for independence and to create the great American documents of freedom through contact with Native American statesmen and exposure to American Indian societies based on individual freedom, representative government and the democratic union of tribes.Yet American Indians have never been acknowledged for their many contributions to the founding of the United States of America, and they have never been permitted to fully share the benefits of the freedoms they helped establish. Exiled in the Land of the Free is a dramatic recounting of early American history and an eloquent call for reform that will not be ignored.Written by eight prominent Native American leaders and scholars, each a specialist in his area of expertise, Exiled in the Land of the Free is a landmark volume, sure to be read by generations to come. An aspect of American history that has been ignored and denied for centuries is the extent to which we are indebted to Native Americans for the principles and practices on which our democratic institutions are based. This is the first work to recognize that legacy and trace our model of participatory democracy to its Native American roots.This book, which was written into the Congressional Record, has major implications for future relations between Indian tribes and the governments of the United States and other nations. It presents the strongest case ever made for Native American sovereignty. American history has finally been written--not from the European point of view--but from an Indian perspective.

    In this new edition of a groundbreaking work -- one of the first to bring critical theory into dialogue with more traditional approaches to international relations -- David Campbell provides a fundamental reappraisal of American foreign policy, with a new epilogue to address current world affairs and the burgeoning focus on culture and identity in the study of international relations.Extending recent debates in international relations, Campbell shows how perceptions of danger and difference work to establish the identity of the United States. He demonstrates how foreign policy, far from being an expression of a given society, constitutes state identity through the interpretation of danger posed by others.

    The first consists of a pair of essays published in New Left Review in the sixties; “Origins of the Present Crisis,” which suggested a general schema for the analysis of class and power in modern Britain and their relation to its decline; and “Components of the National Culture,” which looked at the pattern of intellectual disciplines associated with the post-war political consensus. One premise of these accounts was a conception of bourgeois revolution, whose critique is sketched in a short intermezzo from the mid seventies.The second part contains two essays published in the late eighties which review the conjectures of the original texts in the light of developments—political and intellectual—of the subsequent decades. “The Figures of Descent” reconsiders the problem of national decline; “A Culture in Contraflow” traces some of the intellectual reversals of the recent period. The book concludes with a survey of the political conjuncture after the fall of Thatcher, which considers the prospects of the Labour Party within the context of the wider changes that have reshaped European social democracy in these years.

    It is five years later and Scotland still does not have that and its state has worsened. The original chapters have been revised and largely rewritten. New chapters dealing with Scottish education, land-owning and law, and the Labour Party bring the arguments to date. Intending to persuade people who feel their vote does not much influence how their country is managed, the book emphasizes that Scottish independence does matter. Alasdair Gray is the author of "Lanark" and "Unlikely Stories Mostly".

    The authors assert that, although Wilson was previously perceived as a villain and egotist, unexamined subtext now shows that his behaviour was intelligible and intelligent and that he was one of the cleverest men of his generation. "Smear!" is also in part a parapolitical history of Britain in the '60s and '70s. It claims that the so-called "Wilson plot" of the mid-'70s was merely the climax of continuous clandestine struggles between the Labour Party - and Wilson in particular - and the British secret state and its allies in the Conservative party. Evidence is offered with the intention of showing that MI5 and MI6's plotting was far more extensive than anyone realized. Wilson is resurrected as a genuine radical who attempted to take on the British State - and lost.

    State sovereignty, the separation of church and state, representation, the popular origin of government, and property rights are just a few of the ideas formulated during this time. Political Thought in Europe provides a lucid and accessible introduction to the period in the round, covering both major thinkers such as Aquinas, Marsiglio, Ockham, Wyclif and Cusa, and prevalent notions of church and state, empire and local sovereignty, civic and communal self-government, kingship, the people, parliament, the law and experts (the wise). This is the first overall account to use recent advances in the methodology of the history of ideas.

    involvement in Iraq. Descriptions of war-torn Iraq during and after Operation Desert Storm illustrate the effect war crimes and violations of international law had on the Iraqi people; updated material examines how the people are still being affected more than a decade later. Analysis of the second Bush administration's use of the September 11 events to justify a new war against Iraq is included, as are letters to President Bush and the media.

    Among Arabs, and especially Palestinians, the events of that year are known as the "nakba" - the catastrophe, the trauma, the disaster. For Jews, and in particular for Israelis, their victory in the war of 1948 is a veritable miracle in which, against tremendous odds and through heroic military effort, the Jewish community succeeded in thwarting attempts by the Arab states to destroy it.This book integrates new archival material with the findings of recent scholarship to present the reader with a comprehensive and general history of the origins and consequences of the 1948 war. The author shows, in sharp contrast to the recollections and myths of both sides, that the military events of 1948 were not decisive. The victory of the Zionist organization and the fate of the Palestinians was determined by politicians on both sides - in the discussions and decisions of the United Nations in 1947-8 and in the Arab League - long before a shot had been fired. The author argues that Israel's failure to take advantage of the genuine opportunity for peace with the Arabs at the UN-sponsored Lausanne Conference in 1949 resulted in the prolonged and tragic conflict between Israel and the Arab states still very much alive today.

    Islam: System of Life2. Religions are Systems of Life3. The Hideous Schizophrenia4. End of White Man's Rule5. The Alarm6. The Saviour7. The Religion of the Future

    In this volume, Bertell also provides six in-depth case studies of dialectical method in action.

    Abraham Lincoln: Selected Writings collects more than fifty speeches, addresses, proclamations, and letters that Lincoln issued between 1838 and 1865. It includes the full texts of the Gettysburg Address, the Emancipation Proclamation, both of Lincoln's inaugural addresses, and his famous "A House Divided" speech. This volume also features a complete transcription of Lincoln's series of seven debates with Stephen A. Douglas, conducted in 1858.

    Now, thirty years after his death, we are still coming to grips with the complexity, and power of his message. In this fascinating volume, Malcolm X, the man and the leader, stands revealed in a shimmering mosaic of memories, interviews, insights, and appreciations by:-- Maya Angelou - James Baldwin - James Booker Elombe Braath - James Brown - Kenneth B. Clark John Henrik Clarke - Eldridge Cleaver - Joe Durso James Farmer - Kathy Gibson - Peter Goldman - Rosa Guy - Robert Haggins - Alex Haley - Hinton Johnson Benjamin Karim - Charles Kenyatta - Yuri Kuchiama William Kunstler - Maria Laurino - Claude Lewis Abby Lincoln - C. Eric Lincoln - Julian Mayfield Bayard Rustin - Sonia Sanchez - Dick Schaap - George Sims - James Small - Michael Thelwell - Mike Wallace Robert Penn Warren - Ralph Wiley - Alice WindomMore than thirty luminaries describe how Malcolm X touched and, in some cases, radically transformed their lives. Then Malcolm speaks to us in his own voice through seven seminal interviews that he granted in the last years of his life, including the controversial 1963 Playboy interview with Alex Haley. The book closes with a collection of essays by outstanding American writers examining the meaning of Malcolm X's contribution and assessing his place in American history.

    Book by

    His principled advocacy of free expression for all seems to be needed more than ever today, at a time of appalling assaults on expression not only by traditional opponents on the political right—those offended by what they consider obscene or radical or otherwise taboo—but also from the left—radical feminists calling for the suppression of pornography, members of minorities banning language they consider psychologically damaging, and various other proponents of so-called political correctness. These more recently minted censors are now to be found within such former bastions of free speech as the universities and even the American Civil Liberties Union. This urgently important book is not a mere collection of legal cases; neither is it a history of free expression or a polemic from either left or right. It is rather a wide-ranging report on—and analysis of—the many kinds of conflicts throughout our country between the illusion that this is a land of unfettered free speech and the reality when that illusion is acted upon. It is a book of many stories—of the continuing efforts to deprive students of Mark Twain's masterpiece, Huckleberry Finn, and of attempts to deprive other students of the right not to read books that offend them; of the well-intentioned rulings that result in speech codes and loyalty oaths; of the wide-spread lack of understanding, over the years, of such basic concepts as the marketplace of ideas and of the overriding value of untrammeled speech. Free Speech for Me—But Not for Thee is a book about fear, duplicity, some courage, a lot of hypocrisy, and a good deal of irony. It is a book of dramatic confrontations, of people acting, for better or for worse, on one of the most important of our domestic battlefields. And above all, it presents hopeful, practical suggestions for ways toward saving perhaps the most fragile of our cherished freedoms.

    Masalha establishes the extent to which "transfer" was embraced by the highest levels of Zionist leadership, including virtually all the Founding Fathers of the Israeli state.

    

    where no common interest exists, the authors examine America's 40-year involvement with the Middle East.

    Stephan Hoeller examines the philosophic basis for freedom as expressed in the writings of the Gnostics and Carl Jung. He relates this philosophy to that of America's founders and to such recent events as the collapse of Communist regimes throughout the world.

    Increased violence, gang wars in metropolitan areas, and the prevalence of guns in the United States frequently bring this debate to new crescendos of public concern. How can we find answers that maintain safety while protecting individual liberty? "The Samurai, the Mountie, and the Cowboy" offers a compelling look at how other democracies have attempted to solve their own gun problems, and what we can learn from these countries.

    MIDNIGHT OIL is a political journey through two decades of social struggles, ranging from the oil fields of the Middle East and Africa to the coal mines of Appalachia and the homes and neighborhoods of America and Europe. Tracing the unifying themes of work, energy, oil and war, it draws a physiognomy of the planetary proletariat, connecting escaped indentured servants from India to oil workers sabotaging production in the Niger Delta; Gulf War resisters in New York to Kurdish rebels in Iraq; insurrectionary Iranian students to wildcat autoworkers in Detroit; housewives on rent strike in Italy to Boston burners of midnight oil. This book suggests new boundaries, hidden political commonalities and possible strategies for confronting the "New World Order."

    Tracing the history, ideas and influences of this radical and inspiring movement from dada to postmodernism, it argues that situationist ideas of art, revolution, everyday life and the spectacle continue to inform a variety of the most urgent poltical events, cultural movements, and theoretical debates of our times.

    Photographs of litigants, exhibits from the cases, and descriptions of events that led to suits animate the text.This new edition is extensively revised to bring developments in constitutional law up to date, including major dissenting and concurring opinions, decision making, and discussions of future trends.

    De Grazia, the attorney who argued and won the Tropic of Cancer case before the Supreme Court, offers a narrative history of censorship--from the jailing of Emile Zola's English publisher through the suppression of Joyce's Ulysses, down to recent attempts to obstruct works by Miller, Burroughs, Nabokov, and Mapplethorpe.

    Chomsky feels the abuses, cruelty and hypocrisies of power more intensely than anyone I know. It's a state of continual alertness. Often, after I've glanced at a story in the paper and skipped rapidly over the familiar rubble of falsification, a week or two later will drop into my mailbox a photocopy of that same story marked up by Chomsky, with sentences underlined and a phrase or two in the margin etched deep into the paper by an angry pen. What Chomsky offers is a coherent "big picture," buttressed by the data of a thousand smaller pictures and discrete theaters of conflict, struggle and oppression.... For hundreds of thousands of people--over the years, he must have spoken to more American students than any person alive--Chomsky has offered the assurance, the intellectual and moral authority, that there is another way of looking at things. In this vital function he stands in the same relationship to his audience as did a philosopher he admires greatly, Bertrand Russell. -Alexander Cockburn, from his introduction "Excavating the Truth"

    Surprising and often controversial, this groundbreaking book stands as vivid testimony to the increasingly complex world in which African Americans strive to succeed.

    Offering clear explanations and actual court cases written in concise language, this text remains the standard text for both students and instructors alike. CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION, Ninth Edition, is popular with instructors because the text explains difficult concepts extensively and clearly, and sometimes uses graphs to get the point across. In addition, each chapter is its own unit, making studying easier. Throughout the text, major cases, notes, and charts are bridged with helpful explanations so you can clearly see how one concept relates to another.

    Ruwart is the author of HEALING OUR WORLD: THE OTHER PIECE OF THE PUZZLE, hailed by Visions Magazine as "what may be the most important book of the decade." HEALING applies win-win strategies to the political realm, "bridging the gap between conservatives and liberals, Christians and New Agers, special interests and the common good with practical solutions to our economic, environmental, and societal woes" ( Ron Paul, former U.S. Congressman (R-TX) and 1988 Libertarian Party Presidential Nominee).

    Achieving it would require that children all be raised in the same environment and have the same genetic inheritance. In contrast, the essay shows that what we should actually strive for is the freedom of opportunity. Freedom of opportunity means the ability to exploit the opportunities afforded by reality, without being stopped by the initiation of physical force, in particular the initiation of physical force by the government or that takes place with the sanction of the government.For example, people are unable to find work not because there is no work for them to do in physical reality, but because government and labor-union interference, based on the initiation of physical force, prices their labor beyond the reach of potential employers. The amount of work that is out there waiting to be done may be gauged by adding up all the goods and services people would like to have but presently can’t afford to buy. The total of such work far exceeds our ability ever to preform it. Physical force, or the threat of physical force, is what stops people from seizing such opportunities to the point of all who want jobs finding jobs. It creates unemployment in violating people’s freedom of opportunity.The essay shows what opportunities actually are, how they are the product of human thought and effort, and why and how they require individual freedom for their exploitation. The essay upholds the idea of “the self-made man” and demonstrates how and why in later life—in a free society—children born to poor parents can, and again and again do, overtake and surpass the children of far wealthier parents.The essay is essential reading for anyone who wants to defend not only individual freedom but also economic inequality and the institution of inheritance.

    Galbraith focuses on the results of this stasis, including short-term thinking and investment, government as a burden, and corporate sclerosis. The author also explores international issues, such as the parallels between the denial of trouble in Eastern Europe and problems unrecognized in America. This book is a groundbreaking assessment of the future of America.

    Paperback re-issue of a book tracing the concept of demon and power in Christian theology.

    With presenter Chris Morris, sports reporter Alan Partridge, green desk persona Rosie May, here is the news at its fastest and funniest.

    

    Like the abolitionist John Brown before him, Berkman was hugely idealistic, ready to go to the furthest extreme of self-sacrifice and violence on behalf of justice and civil rights. He decided to assassinate industrialist Henry Clay Frick after reading in the newspaper that Pinkertons hired by Frick had opened fire on the Homestead strikers, killing men, women, and children. Berkman’s bungled attempt cost him fifteen years in a federal penitentiary. Upon his release, he became an effective agitator against conscription and was again imprisoned and eventually deported to Russia, where he saw at first hand the early days of Bolshevism.Berkman’s writings remain a lasting and impassioned record of intense political transformation.Featuring a new introduction by Howard Zinn, Life of an Anarchist contains Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist, Berkman’s account of his years in prison; The Bolshevik Myth, his eyewitness account of the early days of the Russian Revolution; and The ABC of Anarchism, the classic text on the nature of anarchism in the twentieth century. Also included are a selection of letters between Berkman and his lifelong companion Emma Goldman, and a generous sampling from Berkman’s other publications.

    These works reveal their meaning most clearly when we do not relegate them to the function of illustrating a text or see them merely as specimens of the applied arts, but take them seriously as unique combinations of historical witness and aesthetic object. Drawn from Russia, Central and Western Europe, and the United States, from the turn of the century to the aftermath of the Second World War, the posters form a bridge between the claims of ideology and the state on the one hand and the support or submission of millions of men and women on the other. How can men be persuaded to fight for their party or country, and how can women be convinced to enter the workforce in wartime and retreat to the home when their men return? How can women be brought to believe that losing their husbands and sons is a noble sacrifice? Where can money be found to pay for the costs of the war and of reconstruction? Are guilt, compassion, and fear sufficient to bind the homefront to the fighting men? What is the most effective way to dehumanize the enemy, whether foreign or domestic? These are some of the issues that the posters in this volume lay bare and begin to explain. Together text and image open fresh perspectives on half a century of war, revolution, and renewed war, and point toward a new kind of integrative history. Except for seven posters, the images in this book are from the archives of the Hoover Institution on War, Peace and Revolution at Stanford University. Soon after the outbreak of the First World War, Herbert Hoover began to collect documents, including posters, from the warring powers. He laid the foundation for one of the world's great poster collections, now consisting of some 75,000 posters as well as of nearly 40,000 proclamations and other purely typographical announcements.

    From a distinguished statesman, diplomat, scholar, and bestselling author comes an intimate portrait of the Israeli history he both witnessed and helped to forge. 16 pages of black-and-white photos.

    But for the most part, the common law underpinnings of constitutionalism have received short shrift.Through close study of liberal political philosopher Thomas Hobbes and the writings of Edward Coke, a seventeenth-century judge and parliamentarian whose opinion in Doctor Bonham's Case (1610) was once viewed as a precedent for the modern practice of judicial review, Stoner establishes a dialogue between two schools of thought. The contrast that emerges between liberalism, with its scientific ambitions, and common law opens up a fresh perspective on the foundations of the American regime.Common law is grounded in precedent and local tradition as well as reason; it stresses community. Liberal political theory is based on abstract, rational principles; it stresses individualism. To overlook the common law roots of American constitutionalism, then, is to ignore a tradition that is more contextual and historical, more flexible yet more respectful of the wisdom of tradition or experience, less individualistic and more emphatic about responsibility than is the liberal philosophic tradition.In Common Law and Liberal Theory, Stoner reexamines the sources of judicial review and the American founding. He focuses on Hobbes and Coke as representative of the two traditions, but also includes chapters on Locke, Montesquieu, Blackstone, and the Federalists. His careful reading of the influences of and conflicts between liberalism and common law will cast new light on the controversy over the origins of American constitutionalism.

    

    

    

    Recently declassified documents help recreate the Cuban missile crisis on the thirtieth anniversary of the world-shaking confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union.

    It demonstrates that by the standard of the value of knowledge, modern Western Civilization is both the most advanced civilization in the history of the world and also can and should be adopted as one’s own civilization by everyone everywhere, irrespective of his race or ethnicity. These are the sections of the essay: • The Nature of Western Civilization • The Universalizability of Western Civilization • The Standard for Judging a Civilization: the Objective Superiority of Western Civilization • The New Racism • The Devaluation of Knowledge • Western Civilization and the State of Education The essay's standard for judging civilizations is their ability to acquire and apply knowledge. The greater that ability, the higher is the civilization. It is by this standard that modern Western Civilization must be judged the highest form of civilization in the history of mankind. The essay shows, moreover, that Western Civilization is open to everyone, i.e., to people of all races and ethnicities and that the superiority or inferiority of any given culture or civilization is strictly a matter of ideas and values, not racial membership. On this basis, it argues, for example that even descendants of American Indians should agree with the proposition that Columbus discovered America. Because if they are educated and thus have made the fundamental ideas and values of Western Civilization their own, they will regard Columbus as having opened up the Western Hemisphere to what are now their ideas and values, which previously resided only in Europe. In other words, they will identify with the civilization and culture of the modern world, not with the primitive civilization and culture, indeed, the outright savagery, of their ancestors. Today’s educational and intellectual establishments believe that civilization and culture are racially determined and that Western Civilization is the civilization only of white men. Blacks, Orientals, Hispanics, and others somehow racially secrete, as it were, their own civilizations. And because all races are equally good, all civilizations and cultures are equally good, including civilization and savagery, according to the establishment view. This is racism of the same kind as practiced by 19th century Europeans, when they observed the marked cultural inferiority of peoples of non-European descent. They assumed that cultural inferiority implied racial inferiority. Today’s racists retain the same mistaken linkage between culture and race, only work it from the starting point of race rather than culture. In the process, they conclude modern civilization and savagery are of equal value. The essay shows that this approach constitutes a total devaluation of knowledge and that when widely introduced into the educational system is a formula for the destruction of civilization.

    

     Gairdner traces the war against the family to an egalitarian ideology that begins with Plato and survives today as a utopian liberalism that has become a caricature of itself, everywhere promoting the equality and rights of individuals, but ignoring their duties and obligations. Driven by its devotion to egalitarianism and the promise of what can only be a morally and socially irresponsible form of "freedom," the modern state effectively weakens all of society, of which the traditional the family unit is the most important element. So constituted, the modern democratic state is driven to target the family unit as a bastion of privacy, privilege, and moral authority at odds with the state's own secular and egalitarian motives. Hence, the war against the family. All those who are concerned about the direction of modern life and the country they are leaving for future generations are sure to benefit from this "cri de coeur" written by a man of deep experience and searing insight. William D. Gairdner, Ph.D., is a former Olympic athlete and professor of English, and the bestselling author of seven books, including "The Trouble with Canada" and "The Trouble with Democracy." Most recently he was the managing editor of "Canada's Founding Debates.

    Religion/Politics

    Book by Ben-Menashe, Ari

    David Duke vs. Buddy Roemer. For Louisiana voters, it was like watching a train wreck, except they were along for the ride.Cross to Bear is the inside account of the Louisiana's governor's race that had the whole world watching, and that in many ways foretold events in America's bizarre presidential race of 1992. The reader gets a back-seat view of this fascinating, often funny, sometimes frightening ride through the wild terrain of Louisiana politics. The current national political phenomena of racial alienation, voter rage, sex-life inspections and third-party challenges exploded first in Louisiana before rocking the American scene. This true story reads like a fast-moving novel in developing the characters of David Duke, struggling to shake his racist, anti-Semitic past as he incites the voter anger and raises millions; ambitious and aloof Buddy Roemer, battling his political demons while struggling through his mid-life crisis; and of the scandal-plagued Edwin Edwards, notorious gambler and womanizer, politicking for redemption in one last, improbable comeback bid. Along the way the reader meets the henchmen, bagmen, yes-men, Klansmen and girlfriends who keep politics interesting and dangerous in America's last banana republic.John Maginnis, a Louisiana native, is the author of the 1984 book on Louisiana politics, The Last Hayride. The syndicated political columnist is the editor and publisher of Louisiana Political Review and a frequent commentator in the national media.

    In When the Wicked Seize a City, a San Francisco pastor risks death to defend his faith against "gay power."

    This collection includes essays on the Arab-Islamic context of Said's work, his reception among Israeli and American Jews, the institutional contexts of his cultural criticism, and his interventions in Middle Eastern politics.

    

    

    He argues that current government policies at every level are mired in pointless headcounting and quick-fix solutions that don't deal with the underlying causes.

    Most of these revisionists use the past as a tool by which to advance politically correct goals, particularly in opposition to the US. Through books, lobbying campaigns and protests, they are seeking to turn the anniversary commemoration into an occasion for repentance rather than celebration.

    Against Excess shows how we can limit the damage done by drugs and the damage done by drug policies.

    The Common Mind argues for an original way of marking off thinking subjects, in particular human beings, from other intentional systems, natural and artificial. It holds by the holistic view that human thought requires communal resources while denying that this social connection compromises the autonomy of individuals. And, in developing the significance of this view of social subjects--this holistic individualism--it outlines a novel framework for social and political theory. Within this framework, social theory is allowed to follow any of a number of paths: space is found for intentional interpretation and decision-theoretic reconstruction, for structural explanation and rational choice derivation. But political theory is treated less ecumenically. The framework raises serious questions about contractarian and atomistic modes of thought and it points the way to a republican rethinking of liberal commitments.

    But his war against the French intelligentsia did not end there, and Burke continued to take pen in hand against the Jacobins until his death in 1797.This collection brings together for the first time in unabridged form Burke’s writings on the French Revolution that anticipate, refine, and summarize the works in his famous Reflections on the Revolution in France. There are seven items in the collection. Included are “Letter to a Member of the National Assembly,” “Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs,” and “A Letter to a Noble Lord.” A foreword and headnotes to each selection point the reader to some of the key issues.Daniel E. Ritchie is Professor of English Literature at Bethel College.Please note: This title is available as an ebook for purchase on Amazon, Barnes and Noble, and iTunes.

    The author views theories of international relations both as an ideological expression of the modern state, and as a clear indication of the difficulties of thinking about a world politics distinct from relations among states. Theories are examined in the light of recent debates about modernity and post-modernity, the rearticulation of political space/time, and the limits of modern social political theory.

    A. Hayek traces his intellectual roots to the Austrian School. The Fortunes of Liberalism: Essays on Austrian Economics and the Ideal of Freedom also links the Austrian School to the modern rebirth of classical liberal thought.F. A. Hayek (1899–1992) was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 1974 and the Medal of Freedom in 1991 and was one of the leading Austrian economists and political philosophers of the twentieth century.Peter G. Klein is Associate Professor in the Division of Applied Social Sciences at the University of Missouri and Associate Director of the Contracting and Organizations Research Institute. He is also Adjunct Professor at the Olin School of Business.

    It's a quirky cultural history, social satire with a twist. Here are letters of congratulation-to newly elected Ronald Reagan ("This is my dream come true!") and letters of outrage-to Pepsi ("Take the Madonna commercial off the air!"). Letters filled with fresh ideas-proposing to Swanson a "Fit for a President Microwave Dinner" series, including the Jimmy Carter Camp David Accord Style Fried Chicken and Grits. And letters of advice-how Coca-Cola should handle the "pubic hair in the can of Coke" reference during the Thomas hearings.And the best part: the replies.CITIZEN LAZLO! Over 100 new letters. We missed you. 61,000 copies in print.

    I am an agitator, he once said. My work has consisted of trying to stir up a divine discontent with wrong. Widely regarded at the time of his death in 1915 as a failure, he is seen today as the inspirational founder of the Labour party, his name a source of pride. It was not just his socialism, but his utter and genuine principle in pursuing it. He believed in it almost religiously and was willing to suffer for that belief.