No president—no era of American politics—has been so intensively and sharply examined at a time when so many prime witnesses to hitherto untold or misinterpreted facets of a life, a career, and a period of history could still be persuaded to speak. The Path to Power, Book One, reveals in extraordinary detail the genesis of the almost superhuman drive, energy, and urge to power that set LBJ apart. Chronicling the startling early emergence of Johnson’s political genius, it follows him from his Texas boyhood through the years of the Depression in the Texas hill Country to the triumph of his congressional debut in New Deal Washington, to his heartbreaking defeat in his first race for the Senate, and his attainment, nonetheless, of the national power for which he hungered. We see in him, from earliest childhood, a fierce, unquenchable necessity to be first, to win, to dominate—coupled with a limitless capacity for hard, unceasing labor in the service of his own ambition. Caro shows us the big, gangling, awkward young Lyndon—raised in one of the country’s most desperately poor and isolated areas, his education mediocre at best, his pride stung by his father’s slide into failure and financial ruin—lunging for success, moving inexorably toward that ultimate “impossible” goal that he sets for himself years before any friend or enemy suspects what it may be.We watch him, while still at college, instinctively (and ruthlessly) creating the beginnings of the political machine that was to serve him for three decades. We see him employing his extraordinary ability to mesmerize and manipulate powerful older men, to mesmerize (and sometimes almost enslave) useful subordinates. We see him carrying out, before his thirtieth year, his first great political inspiration: tapping-and becoming the political conduit for-the money and influence of the new oil men and contractors who were to grow with him to immense power. We follow, close up, the radical fluctuations of his relationships with the formidable “Mr. Sam” Rayburn (who loved him like a son and whom he betrayed) and with FDR himself. And we follow the dramas of his emotional life-the intensities and complications of his relationships with his family, his contemporaries, his girls; his wooing and winning of the shy Lady Bird; his secret love affair, over many years, with the mistress of one of his most ardent and generous supporters . . . Johnson driving his people to the point of exhausted tears, equally merciless with himself . . . Johnson bullying, cajoling, lying, yet inspiring an amazing loyalty . . . Johnson maneuvering to dethrone the unassailable old Jack Garner (then Vice President of the United States) as the New Deal’s “connection” in Texas, and seize the power himself . . . Johnson raging . . . Johnson hugging . . . Johnson bringing light and, indeed, life to the worn Hill Country farmers and their old-at-thirty wives via the district’s first electric lines. We see him at once unscrupulous, admirable, treacherous, devoted. And we see the country that bred him: the harshness and “nauseating loneliness” of the rural life; the tragic panorama of the Depression; the sudden glow of hope at the dawn of the Age of Roosevelt. And always, in the foreground, on the move, LBJ. Here is Lyndon Johnson—his Texas, his Washington, his America—in a book that brings us as close as we have ever been to a true perception of political genius and the American political process.

    From his vantage point at the break-up of the old regime, Kapuscinski gives us a compelling history of conspiracy, repression, fanatacism, and revolution.

    De Waal reminds readers through his account of the chimps' sexual rivalries and coalitions, and intelligent rather than instinctual actions, that the roots of politics are older than humanity.

    First published in 1982, this book has become a classic, a textbook case of the relationship between the United States and the Third World. The authors make extensive use of U.S. government documents and interviews with former CIA and other officials. It is a warning of what happens when the United States abuses its power.

    Chomsky examines the origins of this relationship and its meaningful consequences for the Palestinians and other Arabs. The book mainly concentrates on the 1982 Lebanon War and the "pro-Zionist" bias of most U.S. media and intellectuals, as Chomsky puts it.

    The Limits to Capital provides one of the best theoretical guides to the history and geography of capitalist development. In this new edition, Harvey updates his classic text with a substantial discussion of the turmoil in world markets today.In his analyses of ‘fictitious capital’ and ‘uneven geographical development’ Harvey takes the reader step by step through layers of crisis formation, beginning with Marx’s controversial argument concerning the falling rate of profit, moving through crises of credit and finance, and closing with a timely analysis geopolitical and geographical considerations.

    His is a story of personal tragedies and political intrigues, assassination in City Hall and massive riots in the streets, the miscarriage of justice and the consolidation of gay power and gay hope.

    An engaging and extremely readable book of breathtaking scope, its inspired synthesis of ecology, anthropology, and political theory traces our conflicting legacies of hierarchy and freedom, from the first emergence of human culture to today's globalized capitalism, constantly pointing the way to a sane, sustainable ecological future. On a college syllabus or in an activist's backpack, this book is indispensable reading for anyone who's tired of living in a world where everything is an exploitable resource.

    Originally commissioned by the U.S. Gold Commission and subsequently issued as a minority report of the Commission, The Case for Gold was the first official U.S. government investigation into the feasibility of a gold standards in more than 120 years.

    Unfortunately, Arendt lived to complete only the first two parts, Thinking and Willing. Of the third, Judging, only the title page, with epigraphs from Cato and Goethe, was found after her death. As the titles suggest, Arendt conceived of her work as roughly parallel to the three Critiques of Immanuel Kant. In fact, while she began work on The Life of the Mind, Arendt lectured on "Kant's Political Philosophy," using the Critique of Judgment as her main text. The present volume brings Arendt's notes for these lectures together with other of her texts on the topic of judging and provides important clues to the likely direction of Arendt's thinking in this area.

    Here, Chris Harman unearths the history of the lost revolution in Germany, and reveals its lessons for the future struggles for a better world.

    Collection of writings on Conservative philosophy

    This updated edition of Gaddis' classic carries the history of containment through the end of the Cold War.Beginning with Franklin D. Roosevelt's postwar plans, Gaddis provides a thorough critical analysis of George F. Kennan's original strategy of containment, NSC-68, The Eisenhower-Dulles New Look, the Kennedy-Johnson flexible response strategy, the Nixon-Kissinger strategy of detente, and now acomprehensive assessment of how Reagan - and Gorbechev - completed the process of containment, thereby bringing the Cold War to an end.He concludes, provocatively, that Reagan more effectively than any other Cold War president drew upon the strengths of both approaches while avoiding their weaknesses. A must-read for anyone interested in Cold War history, grand strategy, and the origins of the post-Cold War world.

    Groupthink: Psychological Studies of Policy Decision and Fiascoes

    Smith and Phil Evans present Karl Marx's Capital as it was meant to be: in graphic novel form.

    A White Russian, living in Paris, he is not the most obvious immigrant to the Mother Country. But there is a way - if Psar will only collude with the KGB in a dazzling plot to confound both the dissident movement and Western liberals alike. Psar must agree, and so begins a nightmare of manipulation and obscure but increasing danger, as the steely web of the KGB's all-pervasive disinformation network is revealed in its ruthless complexity. Seldom has the seamy and dangerous world of espionage been so relentlessly explored as in this brilliant and disturbing award winning novel. (The Observer)

    Newton knew repression first hand and became a symbol of Black urban resistance in the United States, as well as a hero to radical political movements all over the world. From a handful of men the Panthers grew into a major organization, operating community programmes wherever they based themselves. Since his death, Newton's legacy and work remains controversial, and is now being rediscovered by a new generation.

    

    -Irving Kristol, The Public Interest

    

    Mintz's classic study of the lives of Andalusian campesinos who were swept up by one of the 20th century's pivotal social movements provided a new framework for understanding the tragic events that tilted Spain toward civil war. In a new foreword, James W. Fernandez reflects on the fieldwork that led to the book and its contribution to subsequent developments in the ethnography of Europe and the historiography of modern Spain.

    Conflicts in the Gulf, Yugoslavia and Rwanda in the 1990s have ensured that the lawsof war remain a topic of considerable international relevance.

    What becomes of people when they are overcome by this passion and how does it transform the contents of life? Pierre Manent's analysis concludes that the growth of state power and the homogenization of society are two primary consequences of equalizing conditions. The author shows the contemporary relevance of Tocqueville's teaching: to love democracy well, one must love it moderately. Manent examines the prophetic nature of Tocqueville's writings with breadth, clarity, and depth. His findings are both timely and highly relevant as people in Eastern Europe and around the world are grappling with the fragile, complicated, and frequently contradictory nature of democracy. This book is essential reading for students and scholars of political theory and political philosophy, as well as general readers interested in the nature of modern democracy.

    

    At the age of 19, Schurz, a student at the University of Bonn, became involved in the Revolution of 1848. Participating in the revolutionary army, he managed to escape through a sewer during the siege of Rastatt, flee across the Rhine to France, and come back to rescue his professor, Gottfried Kinkel, from a jail near Berlin. This deed made him famous, and when he came to American in 1852, Schurz was nominated for lieutenant governor of Wisconsin on the Republican ticket. He quickly rose in the party and was the head of the Wisconsin delegation at the 1860 National Convention. He worked hard for the cause, and Lincoln rewarded him with the post of Minister to Spain. At the outbreak of war he returned to join the Union Army, became a Major General, and took part in several important battles. After the war, he moved to Missouri, was elected Senator from that State, and became a role model for his fellow German Americans. In 1871 he became one of the main figures in the Liberal Republican movement, and in 1877 President Rutherford B. Hayes appointed him Secretary of the Interior.After his retirement from the cabinet, Schurz became active in the politics of New York, as an advocate of municipal and civil service reform. He was a leading Mugwump who supported Grover Cleveland in 1884 and at the end of his life became a violent opponent of imperialism. He died in 1906.Carl Schurz, the man, his story, his ideals and his example, are particularly appropriate today because of the light his life sheds on the never-ending problems of immigration, assimilation, and the retention of ethnic identity. Carl Schurz's career furnishes a model example for all of these.

    1982 on the occasion of 50th anniversary of Poona Pact. It is dedicated to Mahatma Jyotirao Phule, "whose initiation of cultural revolt in colonial India, later taken up by Babasaheb Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Periyar E.V.Ramaswamy and many other rebellious spirits brought us to this level where we are thinking, planning and struggling to put an end to the 'Chamcha Age' and usher in 'Bright Age' for the Shudras and the Ati-Shudras."In preface he says Chamcha Age started from the Poona Pact giving Joint Electorates instead of Separate Electorates. The purpose of book is to make Dalit Soshit Samaj of the existence of Chamchas or stooges, and to awaken masses how to differentiate between genuine and counterfeit leadership.The book is divided into 4 parts and 17 chapters. The first two parts give information about past struggles, part III depicts present situation and part IV suggests ways and means of future struggle.

    Charles Taylor profiles seven prominent thinkers in the radical tory tradition, among them Donald Creighton, biographer of John A. Macdonald and author of the most influential interpretation of Canadian history in the 20th century; George Grant, philosopher and author of the classic analysis of Canadian nationhood, "Lament for a Nation"; and Eugene Forsey, one of the founders of the socialist CCF in the 1930s, who identifies himself a Macdonald Conservative. "Radical Tories" is an eye-opening journey to the wellsprings of conservative tradition on Canada.

    Among the topics it comments on are the collapse of communism, the rise of nationalism in eastern Europe, and integration in western Europe.

    Coming toward the end of the period when the discourse of natural law was dominant in European political theory, Vattel’s contribution is cited as a major source of contemporary wisdom on questions of international law in the American Revolution and even by opponents of revolution, such as Cardinal Consalvi, at the Congress of Vienna of 1815. Vattel broadly accepted the early-modern natural law theorists from Grotius onward but placed himself in the tradition of Leibniz and Christian Wolff. This becomes particularly clear in two valuable early essays that have never before been translated and are included in the present volume. On this philosophical basis he established what the proper relationship should be between natural law as it is applied to individuals and natural law as it is applied to states. The significance of The Law of Nations resides in its distillation from natural law of an apt model for international conduct of state affairs that carried conviction in both the Old Regime and the new political order of 1789–1815. The Liberty Fund edition is based on the anonymous English translation of 1797, which includes Vattel’s notes for the second French edition (posthumous, 1773). Emer de Vattel (1714–1767) was a Swiss philosopher and jurist in the service of Saxony. Béla Kapossy is Professeur Suppléant of History at the University of Lausanne. Richard Whatmore is a Reader in Intellectual History at the University of Sussex. Knud Haakonssen is Professor of Intellectual History at the University of Sussex, England.

    

    Marshall Foster and Mary-Elaine Swanson recount the Christian heritage of America, and what to do to get it back.

    Carlos Rangel rejects this approach. He traces the sudden appearance and rise of this "Third World ideology" as a kind of socialism of last resort, made neces-sary by the failure of the original Marxist prophecy of imminent cap-italist collapse, with the "prole-tarian" and "bourgeois" nations substituted for the proletarian and bourgeois classes in the Marxist drama of struggle and salvation through revolution. Rangel also ex-plains the emotional appeal, and therefore pervasiveness, of this ideology not only in the Third World but also among all alienated mem-bers of Western society. This volume presents a critical assessment of the Third World ideology. Rangel argues that it is false that Third World mis-fortunes and shortcomings are di-rectly related to its having been overwhelmed by the West. He offers a new path toward understanding the problem of economic inequality between nations, and therefore opens the possibility of searching for creative solutions to that problem.

    Upon each subject Robert Nisbet offers piercing and often unexpected insights.Joining the colorful company of Montaigne, Voltaire, Burke, and Mencken, Nisbet writes for his own age and with his own prejudices. He ranges from the historical to the contemporary, from great men to lesser ones, from pieties and wisdoms to fads and effronteries. The work, in other words, is neither philosophy nor a dictionary (except that the subject matter is arranged in alphabetical order), but the distillation of Nisbet's wisdom, learning, and profound moral conviction. He argues for liberty over equality, for authority against permissiveness, for religion but also for science, for the individual and his rights but against individualism and entitlements. The center of his thinking is the fervent wish for a community linked by history, religion, and ritual, in which children are raised by families rather than by the state, but in which blind custom and belief are questioned and creativity emerges. Determinism of any kind he finds untrue to human nature and history. Man is free to improve himself or destroy himself.

    Dunayevskaya sheds new light on the questions of socialist democracy after the revolution, disclosing both the unprobed feminist dimension of Rosa Luxemburg and the previously unrecognized new moments in Marx's last decade concerning the role of women and the peasantry.

    foreign policy which separates the myth of an "international terrorist conspiracy" from the reality.

    

    

    Whitehead

    The intricacies of these findings have increased over recent decades, but only limited attention has been paid to what the archaeological record can tell us about the transfer of cultural knowledge through apprenticeship.Apprenticeship is broadly defined as the transmission of culture through a formal or informal teacher–pupil relationship. This collection invites a wide discussion, citing case studies from all over the world and yet focuses the scholarship into a concise set of contributions. The chapters in this volume demonstrate how archaeology can benefit greatly from the understanding of the social dimensions of knowledge transfer. This book also examines apprenticeship in archaeology against a backdrop of sociological and cognitive psychology literature, to enrich the understanding of the relationship between material remains and enculturation.Each of the authors in this collection looks specifically at how material remains can reveal several specific aspects of ancient cultures: What is the human potential for learning? How do people learn? Who is teaching? Why are they learning? What are the results of such learning? How do we recognize knowledge transfer in the archaeological record? These fundamental questions are featured in various forms in all chapters of the book. With case studies from the American Southwest, Alaska, Egypt, Ancient Greece, and Mesopotamia, this book will have broad appeal for scholars—particularly those concerned with cultural transmission and traditions of learning and education—all over the world.

    Such are the years 1775-85, which turn colonists into rebels, rebels into statesmen, and statesmen into ambassadors. This vital decade, when Yankees "go to court" for friendship and aid, provides a lively narrative as told by Susan Mary Alsop.The court is Versailles and the Yankees are America's first diplomats. France's avowed enmity toward England is America's salvation, for the colonial rebels lack both diplomatic expertise and an equitable exchange for money, munitions, and supplies. So difficult is the task of sustaining a Franco-American alliance that even the imperturbable Benjamin Franklin complains of being "indisposed by, continual anxiety."The European exploits of Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, John Jay, and others are colorful histories replete with intrigue. For not only do these resilient ambassadors suffer the fear of failure, the rebuff of monarchies, and the demands of unreason, they also withstand the schemes of double agents, spies, and traitors. But success is imperative; without France's continued support, the War of Independence cannot be won.Susan Mary Alsop is a descendant of John Jay. Access to private documents provides stories never before told and pictures never before published. Susan Mary Alsop's humane approach toward history and her elegant, witty style vitalize those events, of two centuries ago, aptly described by Benjamin Franklin as "a miracle of human affairs."

    

    But Tocqueville's ride from the St. Clair River to the wilderness of Saginaw Bay became, for Reeves, a walk into the wildness of Detroit. Tocqueville's conversations with an embittered ex-President, John Quincy Adams, echoed over the years when Reeves asked similar questions of Richard Nixon. Tocqueville interviewed the last surviving signer of the Declaration of Independence, Charles Carroll, the richest man in America. Reeves traced the signer's lineage to the direct descendant who was not admitted to the great medical school that stands on an old family estate.Who are these nomad people, the Americans? How does this democracy of theirs work? Tocqueville asked and answered those questions in his time, and Reeves asked them again of the governors and the governed, of presidents and priests, of laborers and lawyers, in offices in Washington, prison cells in Philadelphia, banks in Manhattan, and classrooms in Boston and Los Angeles.Ultimately, the American is more optimistic than the Frenchman was. Tocqueville believed that a democratic people could never rise above themselves and their own petty demands and hatreds. Reeves discovered, almost with astonishment, a people better than his predictions, better than their leaders--and, at their best, almost as good as their ideals.

    

    It is a book about a man who speaks to the future with a vision of the past, promising a return to the golden age he believes was America in his childhood. It is a book about Ronald Wilson Reagan and the ways he grew and mastered the communicative skills which made him a conservative folk hero, two-time Governor of California, and President.It is a book about a boy who found "a clean kind of hatred"in playing football and who practiced announcing imaginary football games into a broomstick microphone. This boy was a dreamer, who read about the lives of America's heroes and imagined he was one of them. He was an optimist, who remained so even when the dreams of his family were crushed by the Depression and who thrilled to the message of hope in Franklin Roosevelt's inaugural speech. This is a book about a conservative Republican with liberal Democratic heroes.Reagan is also a warts-included critical biography of a resourceful politician who is rarely as simple as he seems. It is a book about a man who escaped the shadow of his father's alcoholism, the poverty and obscurity of Dixon, Illinois, the setback of being fired from his first radio announcing job and the typecasting of Warner Brothers, to become first a competent actor and then the ablest political communicator of his time.The book traces Reagan's achievements and failures in Hollywood and Sacramento, records his courage and his lies, and tells how he went on to become President of the United States. Finally, Reagan is an account of how he came to grips with that presidency and of what he hopes to achieve in the time remaining to him. "What I'd really like to do," he told Lou Cannon, "is go down in history as the man who made Americans believe in themselves again."

    

    Equally clearly, it sprang from the mind of no ordinary economist.”—James Lardner, Washington Post   The years since World War II have seen rapid shifts in the relative positions of different countries and regions. Leading political economist Mancur Olson offers a new and compelling theory to explain these shifts in fortune and then tests his theory against evidence from many periods of history and many parts of the world.   “Schumpeter and Keynes would have hailed the insights Olson gives into the sicknesses of the modern mixed economy.”—Paul A. Samuelson, Massachusetts Institute of Technology   “One of the really important books in social science of the past half-century.”—Scott Gordon, Canadian Journal of Economics   “The thesis of this brilliant book is that the longer a society enjoys political stability, the more likely it is to develop powerful special-interest lobbies that in turn make it less efficient economically.”—Charles Peters, Washington Monthly   “Remarkable. The fundamental ideas are simple, yet they provide insight into a wide array of social and historical issues. . . . The Rise and Decline of Nations promises to be a subject of productive interdisciplinary argument for years to come.”—Robert O. Keohane, Journal of Economic Literature   “I urgently recommend it to all economists and to a great many non-economists.”—Gordon Tullock, Public Choice   “Olson’s theory is illuminating and there is no doubt that The Rise and Decline of Nations will exert much influence on ideas and politics for many decades to come.”—Pierre Lemieux, Reason   Co-winner of the 1983 American Political Science Association’s Gladys M. Kammerer Award for the best book on U.S. national policy

    After World War II, nuclear developers used information-management techniques, including official secrecy and public relations, to promote what one called the “sunny side of the atom”—energy “too cheap to meter” that would supposedly power a new Golden Age. Such euphoric visions set the stage for one of the most extraordinary public-relations efforts in history: the selling of nuclear technology to the American public.The original edition of Nukespeak, published by Sierra Club Books in 1982, was conceived in the wake of the first great nuclear plant accident at Three Mile Island. Breaking through the linguistic filter of the nuclear mindset, it carefully documented how nuclear developers confused their hopes with reality, covered up damaging information, harassed and dismissed scientists who disagreed with official policy, and generated false or misleading statistics to bolster their assertions.Sadly, these developers also failed to learn from their mistakes—as this updated 30th anniversary edition of the book makes abundantly clear. Examining the critical events of the last three decades—including Chernobyl; nuclear proliferation thanks to the fiction of “Atoms for Peace”; the campaign to re-brand nuclear power as a clean, green solution to global warming; and the still-unfolding disaster at Japan’s Fukushima power plant—the new edition argues persuasively that “nukespeak” and the nuclear mindset continue to dominate public debate about nuclear weapons and nuclear power in a continuing attempt to seduce us into accepting the unthinkable.

    A biography of an outspoken Kentuckian who distinguised himself as a soldier, statesman, and an abolitionist.

    

    

    

    Translated into five languages, it has had an extraordinary influence on grassroots development projects.The author relates two of his own experiences in 'barefoot economics', interspersing these moving and insightful accounts with reflections on development projects and experts, pioneering criticism of of orthodox development economics, and a new vision of development in which the poor must learn to circumvent the national economic system.

    

    In a new foreword to this edition, he discusses developments in the study of the Eisenhower presidency in the dozen years since publication of the first edition and examines the continuing significance of Eisenhower's legacy for the larger understanding of presidential leadership in modern America.

    In short, certain actions are considered wrong to such a degree that it is considered appropriate to use the sanctions of violence (since law is the social embodiment of violence) to combat, defend against, and punish the transgressors.There are many actions against which it is not considered appropriate to use violence, individual or organized. Mere lying (that is, where contracts to transfer property titles are not broken), treachery, base ingratitude, being nasty to one’s friends or associates, or not showing up for appointments, are generally considered wrong, but few think of using violence to enjoin or combat them. Other sanctions, such as refusing to see the person or have dealings with him, putting him in Coventry, and so on, may be used by individuals or groups, but using the violence of the law to prohibit such actions is considered excessive and inappropriate.If ethics is a normative discipline that identifies and classifies certain sets of actions as good or evil, right or wrong, then tort or criminal law is a subset of ethics identifying certain actions as appropriate for using violence against them. The law says that action X should be illegal, and therefore should be combated by the violence of the law. The law is a set of “ought” or normative propositions.

    

    Wide-ranging and fully documented, this book is the first detailed study of the origins, contexts and consequences of the long-standing dispute between China, Taiwan, Vietnam and the Philippines over the Paracel and Spratly Archipelagos in the South China Sea - one of the world's most strategically important inter-ocean basins and China's southern maritime frontier. Samuels' analysis: * Highlights the impact of the shifting balance of power in Asia and the growing competition for oceanic resources * Examines the implications of the dispute in terms of the historical and modern role of china as a maritime power in Asia.

    It came about following the so-called Phillips Massacre, an attack on a party of officials and traders, led by James Phillips, travelling to Benin to open trade relations.

    

    It was a combination of luck, the author's recent award-winning at an international cartoon contest, and a lethargic bureaucratic apparatus that reacted one week too late ... by the time the book started to be confiscated the copiers were already working...

    Andrew Gamble's much acclaimed book provides a historical account of Britain's rise and fall and a succinct introduction to the main explanations of decline and political strategies for reversing it. The fourth edition has been updated throughout and a new concluding chapter assesses the state of debate and of the British economy after the Thatcher decade.

    

    

    

    At Carnegie-Mellon University he holds the title of Professor of Computer Science and Psychology. These two facts together delineate the range and uniqueness of his contributions in creating meaningful interactions among fields that developed in isolation but that are all concerned with human decision-making and problem-solving processes.In particular, Simon has brought the insights of decision theory, organization theory (especially as it applies to the business firm), behavior modeling, cognitive psychology, and the study of artificial intelligence to bear on economic questions. This has led not only to new conceptual dimensions for theoretical constructions, but also to a new humanizing realism in economics, a way of taking into account and dealing with human behavior and interactions that lie at the root of all economic activity.The sixty papers and essays contained in these two volumes are grouped under eight sections, each with a brief introductory essay. These are: "Some Questions of Public Policy, Dynamic Programming Under Uncertainty; Technological Change; The Structure of Economic Systems; The Business Firm as an Organization; The Economics of Information Processing; Economics and Psychology;" and "Substantive and Procedural Reality."Most of Simon's papers on classical and neoclassical economic theory are contained in volume one. The second volume collects his papers on behavioral theory, with some overlap between the two volumes.

    underground, covering Abbie--in disguise--interviewing people, touring the FBI building, and organizing a campaign to save the St. Lawrence River. The articles are creative, funny, nervy, and political.

    

    This revised edition continues the book's concrete focus on the major subjects and fields of law. New essays on emerging fields and the latest trends and cases have been added to updated versions of the now-classic essays from earlier editions.A unique assortment of leading scholars and practitioners in law and related disciplines—political science, economics, sociology, criminology, history, and literature—raise basic questions about law, challenging long-held ideals like the separation of law from politics, economics, religion, and culture. They address such issues contextually and with a keen historical perspective as they explain and critique the law in a broad range of areas.This third edition contains essays on all of the subjects covered in the first year of law school while continuing the book's tradition of accessibility to non-law-trained readers. Insightful and powerful, The Politics of Law makes sense of the debates about judicial restraint and the range of legal controversies so central to American public life and culture.

    A fascinating account of what life was like behind the front lines of Vietnam.

    

    Klement reassesses Clement L. Vallandigham, the passionate critic of Lincoln's policies, and history's judgment of him.

    

    

    

    The compatibility of Maurras's own Positivist political ideas with Catholic principles was later questioned by Marc Sangnier, and the ensuing polemic between the two men was itself the origin of a lengthy controversy in which the two leading figures were the philosophers Maurice Blondel and Lucien Laberthonni�re, both of whom strongly contested Catholic indulgence towards Maurras and the Action Fran�aise. This study of Maurrassian ideology and Catholic reactions to it explores a wide range of themes. They include the posterity of Comte's Positivism, anti-semitism at the turn of the twentieth century, the absolutism and romanticism of Maurras's nationalism, the crucial importance of the separation of Church and State for the somewhat fortuitous identification of the Action Fran�aise with the cause of Rome, and the confrontation of Maurras's idea of the Roman Church with the Christian ideals upheld by Blondel and Laberthonni�re.

    

    

    

    

    However, in a world abundantly supplied with oil, the United States could and did ignore Venezuelan suggestions that OPEC and the consuming nations work together to control production and to increase prices. Then, in late 1973, OPEC sent shudders throughout the world economy, and an energy crisis struck with full force. Emboldened by the power of their oil cartel, Venezuelan leaders denounced the old economic relationship with the United States, nationalized U.S. oil and steel holdings, and fashioned a foreign economic policy that differed sharply from Washington's. The Road to OPEC is the story of the fiery debates among U.S. oil companies, the Department of State, and the Venezuelan government over oil policies—clashes that led Venezuela to establish OPEC and to nationalize U.S.-owned properties. In addition, this is the first study of twentieth-century Venezuelan-U.S. relations. Its focus on oil diplomacy is placed within the context of key U.S. policies toward Latin America and such programs as the Open Door, the Good Neighbor, and the Alliance for Progress. The author also provides insight into both the politics of the contemporary energy crisis and the growing split between raw-material producers and their industrial customers. The Road to OPEC is based on extensive archival research, as well as the author's successful use of the Freedom of Information Act to declassify files of such agencies as the National Security Council and the CIA.