In this classic discussion, Milton and Rose Friedman explain how our freedom has been eroded and our affluence undermined through the explosion of laws, regulations, agencies, and spending in Washington. This important analysis reveals what has gone wrong in America in the past and what is necessary for our economic health to flourish.

    Even utility and oil companies now promote conservation in the face of demands for dwindling energy reserves. And for years some biologists have warned us of the direct correlation between scarcity and population growth. These scientists see an appalling future riding the tidal wave of a worldwide growth of population and technology.A calm but unflinching realist, Catton suggests that we cannot stop this wave - for we have already overshot the Earth's capacity to support so huge a load. He contradicts those scientists, engineers, and technocrats who continue to write optimistically about energy alternatives. Catton asserts that the technological panaceas proposed by those who would harvest from the seas, harness the winds, and farm the deserts are ignoring the fundamental premise that "the principals of ecology apply to all living things." These principles tell us that, within a finite system, economic expansion is not irreversible and population growth cannot continue indefinitely. If we disregard these facts, our sagging American Dream will soon shatter completely.

    Zinn portrays a side of American history that can largely be seen as the exploitation and manipulation of the majority by rigged systems that hugely favor a small aggregate of elite rulers from across the orthodox political parties.A People's History has been assigned as reading in many high schools and colleges across the United States. It has also resulted in a change in the focus of historical work, which now includes stories that previously were ignoredLibrary Journal calls Howard Zinn’s book “a brilliant and moving history of the American people from the point of view of those…whose plight has been largely omitted from most histories.”

    Modern revolutionaries are believers, no less committed and intense than were Christians or Muslims of an earlier era. What is new is the belief that a perfect secular order will emerge from forcible overthrow of traditional authority. This inherently implausible idea energized Europe in the nineteenth century, and became the most pronounced ideological export of the West to the rest of the world in the twentieth century. Billington is interested in revolutionaries--the innovative creators of a new tradition. His historical frame extends from the waning of the French Revolution in the late eighteenth century to the beginnings of the Russian Revolution in the early twentieth century.The theater was Europe of the industrial era; the main stage was the journalistic offices within great cities such as Paris, Berlin, London, and St. Petersburg. Billington claims with considerable evidence that revolutionary ideologies were shaped as much by the occultism and proto-romanticism of Germany as the critical rationalism of the French Enlightenment. The conversion of social theory to political practice was essentially the work of three Russian revolutions: in 1905, March 1917, and November 1917.Events in the outer rim of the European world brought discussions about revolution out of the school rooms and press rooms of Paris and Berlin into the halls of power.Despite his hard realism about the adverse practical consequences of revolutionary dogma, Billington appreciates the identity of its best sponsors, people who preached social justice transcending traditional national, ethnic, and gender boundaries. When this book originally appeared The New Republic hailed it as "remarkable, learned and lively," while The New Yorker noted that Billington "pays great attention to the lives and emotions of individuals and this makes his book absorbing." It is an invaluable work of history and contribution to our understanding of political life.

    But John Pilger reveals a hidden side: the rapacious politicking that has kept the nation from true independence in the 20th century, and that has held the aborigines under the heel of what can only be called apartheid. 40 photographs.

    Explains to outsiders the conflicts between the financial interests of the coal and land companies, and the moral rights of the vulnerable mountaineers.

    Written for layman and scholar alike, the book addresses one of the most important issues facing Americans today: within what guidelines shall the Supreme Court apply the strictures of the Constitution to the complexities of modern life?Until now legal experts have proposed two basic approaches to the Constitution. The first, "interpretivism," maintains that we should stick as closely as possible to what is explicit in the document itself. The second, predominant in recent academic theorizing, argues that the courts should be guided by what they see as the fundamental values of American society. John Hart Ely demonstrates that both of these approaches are inherently incomplete and inadequate. Democracy and Distrust sets forth a new and persuasive basis for determining the role of the Supreme Court today.Ely's proposal is centered on the view that the Court should devote itself to assuring majority governance while protecting minority rights. "The Constitution," he writes, "has proceeded from the sensible assumption that an effective majority will not unreasonably threaten its own rights, and has sought to assure that such a majority not systematically treat others less well than it treats itself. It has done so by structuring decision processes at all levels in an attempt to ensure, first, that everyone's interests will be represented when decisions are made, and second, that the application of those decisions will not be manipulated so as to reintroduce in practice the sort of discrimination that is impermissible in theory."Thus, Ely's emphasis is on the procedural side of due process, on the preservation of governmental structure rather than on the recognition of elusive social values. At the same time, his approach is free of interpretivism's rigidity because it is fully responsive to the changing wishes of a popular majority. Consequently, his book will have a profound impact on legal opinion at all levels--from experts in constitutional law, to lawyers with general practices, to concerned citizens watching the bewildering changes in American law.

    This book is an attempt to keep that discussion alive.

    On September 10, 1976, exiled Chilean leader Orlando Letelier delivered a blistering rebuke of Augusto Pinochet’s brutal right-wing regime in a speech at Madison Square Garden. Eleven days later, while Letelier was on Embassy Row in Washington, DC, a bomb affixed to the bottom of his car exploded, killing him and his coworker Ronni Moffitt. The slaying, staggering in its own right, exposed an international conspiracy that reached well into US territory. Pinochet had targeted Letelier, a former Chilean foreign minister and ambassador to the United States, and carried out the attack with the help of Operation Condor, the secret alliance of South America’s military dictatorships dedicated to wiping out their most influential opponents. This gripping account tells the story not only of a political plot that ended in murder, but also of the FBI’s inquiry into the affair. Definitive in its examination both of Letelier’s murder and of the subsequent investigations carried out by American intelligence, Assassination on Embassy Row is equal parts keen analysis and true-life spy thriller.

    Kirkpatrick Sale examines a nation in the grips of growthmania and presents the ways to shape a more efficient and livable society built to the human scale."--Cover.

    The movement itself was broken when Autonomia members were falsely accused of (and prosecuted for) being the intellectual masterminds of the Red Brigades; but even after the end of Autonomia, this book remains a crucial testimony of the way this creative, futuristic, neo-anarchistic, postideological, and nonrepresentative political movement of young workers and intellectuals anticipated issues that are now confronting us in the wake of Empire.

    InterventionThe AwakeningAppendixNotesGlossaryIndexMaps

    From these examples he claims that all the basic principles of socialist ideology derive from the urge to suppress individuality. The Socialist Phenomenon consists of three major parts: 1. Chiliastic Socialism: Identifies socialist ideas amongst the ancient Greeks, especially Plato, and in numerous medieval heretic groups such as the Cathars, Brethren of the Free Spirit, Taborites, Anabaptists, and various religious groups in the English Civil War, and modern writers such as Thomas More, Campanella, and numerous Enlightenment writers in 18th-century France. 2. State Socialism: Describes the socialism of the Incas, the Jesuit state in Paraguay, Mesopotamia, Egypt, and China. 3. Analysis: Identifies three persistent abolition themes in socialism - the abolition of private property, the abolition of the family, and the abolition of religion (mainly, but not exclusively, Christianity).Shafarevich argues that ancient socialism (such as Mesopotamia and Egypt) was not ideological, as an ideology socialism was a reaction to the emergence of individualism in the Axial Age. He compares Thomas More's (Utopia) and Campanella's (City of the Sun) visions with what is known about the Inca Empire, and concludes that there are striking similarities. He claims that we become persons through our relationship with God, and argues that socialism is essentially nihilistic, unconsciously motivated by a death instinct. He concludes that we have the choice of either pursuing death or life.

    At a time when religious fundamentalism is gaining adherents worldwide, the Declaration defends the separation of church and state, skepticism about supernatural claims, and the conviction that ethics can be developed independently of belief in God.Its publication, reported on the front page of the New York Times and featured in newspapers and magazines throughout the world, has provoked intense controversy and debate.Some Excerpts:The first principle of democratic secular humanism is its commitment tofree inquiry . . .Countless millions of thoughtful persons have espoused secular humanistideals . . . and have contributed to the building of a more humane anddemocratic world . . .We deplore the growth of intolerant sectarian creeds that foster hatred . . .We do not believe that any one church should impose its views on moral virtue and sin, sexual conduct, marriage, divorce, birth control, or abortion, or legislate them for the rest of society . . .We do not think it is moral to baptize infants, to confirm adolescents, or to impose a religious creed on young people before they are able to consent . . .We deplore the efforts by fundamentalists . . . to invade the science classrooms, requiring that creationist theory be taught to students . . .The media . . . are inordinately dominated by a pro-religious bias. The views of preachers, faith healers, and religious hucksters go largely unchallenged . . .

    

    These essays have been assembled for the first time from Chodorov's writings in magazines, newspapers, books, and pamphlets. They sparkle with his individualistic perspective on politics, human rights, socialism, capitalism, education, and foreign affairs.

    

    This is in fact the best and by far the most authoritative study of how the war began and why.

    No

    With foreword by Sian Dalis Cayo-Evans.

    Her analysis leads her to considerable criticism of many commonly-held feminist views, but from it emerges the outline of a new feminism which sacrifices neither rationality nor radicalism.

    C. was a lie,'" "[After proving the find at Gull Island an ARCO executive] went on to say, 'Chaplain, America has just become energy independent!'...The energy crisis had just come to a screeching halt-this ought to hit the front page of every newspaper in America...but before an announcement was made the government forced them to cap it and seal the records which documented the find...WHY!?"

    Hoffman recounts his growing involvement in the student movement as it rose to national prominence, giving behind-the-scenes details about the historic protests at the 1968 Democratic Convention and subsequent Chicago conspiracy trial, his "levitation' of the Pentagon, and his friendships with other movement leaders. This new edition includes a selection of photographs documenting his continuing activism in the 1980s and a new Afterword by leading historian Howard Zinn about Hoffman's enduring legacy.

    Between 1910 and 1960 anarchists across the United States established more than 20 schools wherein children studied in an atmosphere of freedom and self-reliance. The Modern Schools stood in sharp contrast to the formality and discipline of the traditional classroom and sought to abolish all forms of authority. Their object was to create not only a new type of school, but also a new society based on the voluntary cooperation of free individuals. Among the participants were Emma Goldman, Margaret Sanger, Alexander Berkman and Man Ray.

    The authors detail the application, history, and controversies surrounding the Planning, Programming, and Budgeting System (PPBS), used to evaluate military needs and to choose among alternatives for meeting those needs.

    Using Norway’s relatively peaceful divorce from Sweden as an example, Jacobs contends that Canada and Canadians—Quebecois and Anglophones alike—can learn important lessons from similar sovereignty questions of the past.

    Surveys labor law in the private sector, from the labor perspective, with chapters arranged in progression from a union's initial organizing campaign to the mature

    

    Coleridge, who asserted the primacy of the transcendent imagination, was in a obvious sense the direct opposite of Bentham, the resolute proponent of Utilitarianism but Mill, while recognizing the separateness of their creeds, appreciated both and saw both as necessary to the intellectual vigour of the nation. Mill's major essays on Bentham and Coleridge were first published in The Westminster Review, in 1838 and 1840 respectively. In this substantial introduction to them here F.R. Leavis argues that they are essential documents for an understanding of Victorian culture he traces their influence on the thinking of Dickens, George Eliot and Matthew Arnold, and examines their significance for contemporary principles of liberal education.

    Ballots for Freedom recapitulates the political war against slavery, from the first debates over the creation of an abolitionist third party to the election of Abraham Lincoln on an essentially antislavery Republican platform.

    In this book James Tully uses an hermeneutical and analytical approach to offer a revolutionary revision of early modern theories of property, focusing particularly on that of Locke. Setting his analysis within the intellectual context of the seventeenth century, Professor Tully overturns the standard interpretations of Locke's theory, showing that it is not a justification of private property. Instead he shows it to be a theory of individual use rights within a framework of inclusive claim rights. He links Locke's conception of rights not merely to his ethical theory, but to the central arguments of his epistemology, and illuminates the way in which Locke's theory is tied to his metaphysical views of God and man, his theory of revolution and his account of a legitimate polity.

    This title includes classic and contemporary selections that represent both feminist and anti-feminist viewpoints in an examination of women's lives, and the ways in which women can effect alternatives to traditional gender roles.

    

    

    

    A remarkable document of an era that permanently changed the American political landscape.

    Pogrebin shows how to nourish the unique person in every child. She explodes the myths, cliches, and stereotypes of femininity and masculinity and shows traditional childrearing methods can actually be harmful to children. Her new guidelines point the way to role-free family life and prove that nonsexist parenting can be physically and emotionally good for your child.

    

    This edition features coverage of the new phylogenies for most of the insect orders

    Combines historical and economic perspectives to examine the economic existence of modern man, the war against subsistence, and shadow work--the underpaid work which is unique to an industrial economy.

    These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    

    The only safeguard of liberty is the restraint of power itself.”~G. Warren NutterEconomist G. Warren Nutter provided one of the lone dissenting voices to challenge what had become a matter of conventional wisdom among Sovietologists.Whereas others perceived vibrancy and vitality in the socialist society’s industrial growth, Nutter recognized its long-term economic decline concealed behind a politically crafted veneer of propaganda about socialist industrial prowess.From 1956 until its first publication in 1969, he labored on providing a statistical corrective that painted a picture of a society gradually succumbing to the weight of its own central planning in The Strange World of Ivan Ivanov.Though generally well-received in the Cold War environment of its publication, Ivan Ivanov, drifted from memory along with its own Soviet subject matter.In this new edition, the text is accessible again—both as a record of the daily personal hardships experienced under an actual Marxian-socialist state and a warning for a time when socialism’s reputation has become detached from its own track record.The poverty, fear, and coerced subordination of Ivan Ivanov’s life were not aberrations of a socialist revolution gone astray—they were the entirely predictable results of that same socialist system. And as its human toll stretches from the Eastern Bloc to China to Cuba to Venezuela, they continue to repeat with alarming certainty whenever and wherever socialism is attempted.The American Institute for Economic Research in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, was founded in 1933 as the first independent voice for sound economics in the United States. Today it publishes ongoing research, hosts educational programs, publishes books, sponsors interns and scholars, and is home to the world-renowned Bastiat Society and the highly respected Sound Money Project. The American Institute for Economic Research is a 501c3 public charity.

    

    In this volume, which is self-contained, he makes a further contribution to understanding the role which Christianity has played in modern English thought. There are critical accounts of the thought of Toynbee, T. S. Eliot, Collingwood, Butterfield, Oakeshott, David Knowles, Evelyn Waugh and Churchill. It also contains less extended accounts of the thought of A. N. Whitehead, of Enoch Powell Minister. The book is given coherence by the connected ideas of the ubiquity of religion, of literature as an instrument of religious indoctrination, and of the intimacy of the connections between the political, philosophical, literary and religious assumptions that are to be found among the leaders of the English intelligentsia.

    The Christie File is a unique personal record of some of the extraordinary events, politics, ideas and people which distinguished the sixties and seventies as a crucial period in the life and death struggle against the all-powerful state, the ubiquitous multinationals, reaction and arbitrary authority.

    

    Offers coverage of Weill's life that is informed by a knowledge of the shifting cultural and political climates in which he worked.

    Well-known thinkers discuss Shakespeare's understanding of politics, the idea of the best polity, the relationship between character and political life, and the interpenetration of poetry, politics, religion, and philosophy.

    How did capitalism arise? Why has this exploitative system exhausted its potential? Why is revolutionary change fundamental to human progress?

    Fighters for democratic socialism and an ecological society have each recognized the handwriting on the wall; modern society cannot continue on its present path. Neither group, however, has even begun to recognize the other's value, beyond being little more than a tactical means towards achieving their own ends. Gorz, in this exciting and penetrating gem of a book, addresses precisely this question, and offers a connection between the political and the ecological.In an age of crisis the realist becomes visionary and the visionary the rational architect of the future. Andre Gorz is just that. The present decade will be a debacle for progressive change unless our creative efforts move towards linking our concerns with the quality of life to those of economic and political structure. Andre Gorz, as this little volume bears witness, has taken up where Herbert Marcuse left off. 'The only things worthy of each,' Gorz says, 'are those which are good for all.' This book is worthy indeed of each.

    Manufacturing Consent is unique among studies of this kind because Burawoy has been able to analyze his own experiences in relation to those of Donald Roy, who studied the same factory thirty years earlier. Burawoy traces the technical, political, and ideological changes in factory life to the transformations of the market relations of the plant (it is now part of a multinational corporation) and to broader movements, since World War II, in industrial relations.

    Their rigorous empirical analysis proves that the power-transition theory, hinging on economic, social, and political growth, is more accurate; it is the differential rate of growth of the two most powerful nations in the system—the dominant nation and the challenger—that destabilizes all members and precipitates world wars. Predictions of who will win or lose a war, the authors find, depend not only on the power potential of a nation but on the capability of its political systems to mobilize its resources—the "political capacity indicator." After examining the aftermath of major conflicts, the authors identify national growth as the determining factor in a nation's recovery. With victory, national capabilities may increase or decrease; with defeat, losses can be enormous. Unexpectedly, however, in less than two decades, losers make up for their losses and all combatants find themselves where they would have been had no war occurred. Finally, the authors address the question of nuclear arsenals. They find that these arsenals do not make the difference that is usually assumed. Nuclear weapons have not changed the structure of power on which international politics rests. Nor does the behavior of participants in nuclear confrontation meet the expectations set out in deterrence theory.

    

    

    This second edition of this study of New Zealand's constitution and government has been rewritten and substantially revised to describe the processes of the judiciary, Parliament, and the electoral system; the function of MPs, Ministers, and the Governor-General; and the extent of New Zealand's democracy.