Rauch explores how the system for producing knowledge works in a liberal society, and why it has now become the object of a powerful ideological attack. Moving beyond the First Amendment, he defends the morality, rather than the legality, of an intellectual regime that relies on unfettered and often hurtful criticism. Kindly Inquisitors is a refreshing and vibrant essay, casting a provocative light on the raging debates over political correctness and multiculturalism."Fiercely argued. . . . What sets his study apart is his attempt to situate recent developments in a long-range historical perspective and to defend the system of free intellectual inquiry as a socially productive method of channeling prejudice."—Michiko Kakutani, New York Times"Like no other, this book restates the core of our freedom and demonstrates how great, and disregarded, the peril to that freedom has become."—Joseph Coates, Chicago Tribune"The philosophical defense of free speech and free thought that seems to have been forgotten. . . . A powerful argument."—Diane Ravitch, Wall Street Journal

    It also provides the best, most sustained exposure possible to the most wide-ranging, acute, and original literary intelligence of the post—World War II years. United States is an essential book in the canon of twentieth-century American literature and an endlessly fascinating work.

    "A moving illumination . . . Remnick is the witness for us all." —Wall Street Journal.

    With wisdom and clear, ringing prose, he tackles head-on some of the most difficult problems confronting us near the end of the twentieth century––problems we still face today. Berry elucidates connections between sexual brutality and economic brutality, and the role of art and free speech. He forcefully addresses America's unabashed pursuit of self-liberation, which he says is "still the strongest force now operating in our society." As individuals turn away from their community, they conform to a "rootless and placeless monoculture of commercial expectations and products," buying into the very economic system that is destroying the earth, our communities, and all they represent.

    What is your position on prostitution, pornography, gambling and other victimless crimes? This book will make readers consider their rights and the rights of others in a more humanistic and caring way. First serial to Playboy. (Prelude Press)

    Culture and Imperialism, by Edward Said, is a collection of thematically related essays that trace the connection between imperialism and culture throughout the 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries.

    These topics are all timely yet timeless in that they represent the continuing struggle to include African Americans in mainstream American political, economic & social life without destroying their unique culture. The essays have the feel of a fine sermon, with thought-provoking ideas & new ways of looking at the same old problems. They can be quickly read yet take a long time to digest because of West's unique slant on life. Already well known in scholarly circles, he's increasingly becoming more visible to the general public. This book should make his essays more accessible to a greater number of people.--Library JournalPrefaceIntroduction: Race mattersNihilism in Black America The pitfalls of racial reasoningThe crisis of Black leadership Demystifying the new Black conservatismBeyond affirmative action: equality and identityOn Black-Jewish relations Black sexuality: the taboo subjectMalcolm X and Black rage Epilogue to the Vintage edition

    He has produced a fascinating you-are-there-with-me comics account as impressive for its idiosyncratic personal tone as for its scrupulous documentation of human-rights abuses and lively accounts of ordinary Palestinians (in East Jerusalem, the West Bank towns and the decrepit refugee camps). In this volume (the sequal will focus on the Gaza Strip and more recent events), he details his encounters, discussions and interviews with a wide range of West Bank personalities: Arab shopkeepers, refugees from 1948, rock-throwing Palestinian teenagers, teachers, intellectuals, former prisoners, Israeli soldiers, members of the peace movement, American Jews and some terrorists as well. Like other rights investigators, he documents some of the better known abuses-arbitrary beatings by the IDF, administrative detention (arrest without charges), house demolitions and appalling prison conditions-especially at the notorious Ansar III prison. His final section is a wry but typically informative section on the position of Palestinian women in a society in which wife battering is ``part of Arab culture.'' His drawings are simply wonderful, combining great facility and compositional invention with a fluid line and a gift for the economical use of intensive linear detail. There is nothing else quite like this in alternative comics.Copyright 1994 Cahners Business Information, Inc.

    It begins with the forging of closer links with Europe after the French Revolution, and the changing face of the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century. In his account of the period since 1950, Zürcher focuses on the growth of mass politics; the three military coups; the issue of Turkey's human right's record; integration into the global economy; the alliance with the West and relations with the European Community; and much more.

    The bestselling author of And the Band Played On follows with a book of even greater power and sweep as he investigates the situation of gays in the military over the past three decades, revealing for the first time that some of the most celebrated soldiers in American history were homosexual (including the Father of the United States Army).

    It goes on to show that, despite the Fair Housing Act of 1968, segregation is perpetuated today through an interlocking set of individual actions, institutional practices, and governmental policies. In some urban areas the degree of black segregation is so intense and occurs in so many dimensions simultaneously that it amounts to "hypersegregation."The authors demonstrate that this systematic segregation of African Americans leads inexorably to the creation of underclass communities during periods of economic downturn. Under conditions of extreme segregation, any increase in the overall rate of black poverty yields a marked increase in the geographic concentration of indigence and the deterioration of social and economic conditions in black communities.As ghetto residents adapt to this increasingly harsh environment under a climate of racial isolation, they evolve attitudes, behaviors, and practices that further marginalize their neighborhoods and undermine their chances of success in mainstream American society. This book is a sober challenge to those who argue that race is of declining significance in the United States today.

    Instead of revising the Articles of Confederation, the framers had created a fundamentally new national plan that placed over the states a supreme government with broad powers. They proposed to submit it to conventions in each state, elected “by the People thereof,” for ratification.Immediately, a fierce storm of argument broke. Federalist supporters, Antifederalist opponents, and seekers of a middle ground strove to balance public order and personal liberty as they praised, condemned, challenged, and analyzed the new Constitution.Assembled here in chronological order are hundreds of newspaper articles, pamphlets, speeches, and private letters written or delivered in the aftermath of the Constitutional Convention. Along with familiar figures like Franklin, Madison, Patrick Henry, Jefferson, and Washington, scores of less famous citizens are represented, all speaking clearly and passionately about government. The most famous writings of the ratification struggle—the Federalist essays of Hamilton and Madison—are placed in their original context, alongside the arguments of able antagonists, such as “Brutus” and the “Federal Farmer.”Part One includes press polemics and private commentaries from September 1787 to January 1788. That autumn, powerful arguments were made against the new charter by Virginian George Mason and the still-unidentified “Federal Farmer,” while in New York newspapers, the Federalist essays initiated a brilliant defense. Dozens of speeches from the state ratifying conventions show how the “draft of a plan, nothing but a dead letter,” in Madison’s words, had “life and validity…breathed into it by the voice of the people.” Included are the conventions in Pennsylvania, where James Wilson confronted the democratic skepticism of those representing the western frontier, and in Massachusetts, where John Hancock and Samuel Adams forged a crucial compromise that saved the country from years of political convulsion.Informative notes, biographical profiles of all writers, speakers, and recipients, and a detailed chronology of relevant events from 1774 to 1804 provide fascinating background. A general index allows readers to follow specific topics, and an appendix includes the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, and the Constitution (with all amendments).

    Included are dramatic confrontations from Virginia, where Patrick Henry pitted his legendary oratorical skills against the persuasive logic of Madison, and from New York, where Alexander Hamilton faced the brilliant Antifederalist Melancton Smith.In addition to useful notes, there are biographical profiles of all writers, speakers, and recipients, and a detailed chronology of relevant events from 1774 to 1804 provide fascinating background. A general index allows readers to follow specific topics, and an appendix includes the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, and the Constitution (with all amendments).

    Hard-hitting, carefully documented and heavily illustrated, it reveals why the United States has been involved in more wars in recent years than any other country. Read Addicted to War to find out who benefits from these military adventures, who pays—and who dies. Over 120,000 copies of the previous edition are in print. This new edition is substantially reworked and fully updated through the War in Iraq. “A witty and devastating portrait of U.S. military policy.”—Howard ZinnJoel Andreas wrote and illustrated The Incredible Rocky, the biting satire that introduced over 100,000 people to the unsavory activities of the Rockefeller family.In Oakland, California on March 24, 2015 a fire destroyed the AK Press warehouse along with several other businesses. Please consider visiting the AK Press website to learn more about the fundraiser to help them and their neighbors.

    It illuminates the presidential center of power by providing an indepth look at the day-by-day decisions and dilemmas of the thirty-fifth president as he faced everything from the threat of nuclear war abroad to racial unrest at home. "A narrative that leaves us not only with a new understanding of Kennedy as President, but also with a new understanding of what it means to be President" (The New York Times).

    Written by the founder of twentieth-century conservatism in America, Kirk's The Politics of Prudence reflects several decades of learning, travel, and practical politics.

    Friedman discusses a government system that is no longer controlled by "we, the people." Instead of Lincoln's government "of the people, by the people, and for the people," we now have a government "of the people, by the bureaucrats, for the bureaucrats," including the elected representatives who have become bureaucrats.

    Sowell challenges all the assumptions of contemporary liberalism on issues ranging from the economy to race to education in this collection of controversial essays, and captures his thoughts on politics, race, and common sense with a section at the end for thought-provoking quotes.

    He calls into question many of the presuppositions of traditional Marxist analyses and offers new interpretations of Marx's central arguments. These interpretations lead him to a very different analysis of the nature and problems of capitalism and provide the basis for a critique of "actually existing socialism." According to this new interpretation, Marx identifies the central core of the capitalist system with an impersonal form of social domination generated by labor itself and not simply with market mechanisms and private property. Proletarian labor and the industrial production process are characterized as expressions of domination rather than as means of human emancipation. This reformulation relates the form of economic growth and the structure of social labor in modern society to the alienation and domination at the heart of capitalism. It provides the foundation for a critical social theory that is more adequate to late twentieth-century capitalism.

    She's back.  Molly Ivins, our most perceptive, outrageously funny political commentator, has given us an uproarious new book.In Nothin' But Good Times Ahead, Ivins proved that no one has a steadier gaze or a quicker trigger finger, as she hits the bull's-eye in such targets as George Bush, Bill Clinton, Camille Paglia, the Clarence Thomas hearings, and the ethics-twisting, English-slaughtering pols of her beloved Texas.  Here's Molly on: The 1992 Republican Convention: "Many people did not care for Pat Buchanan's speech; it probably sounded better in the original German."Texas politics: "Better than the zoo, better than the circus, rougher than football, and even more aesthetically satisfying than baseball."Gibber Lewis, former House Speaker of the Texas State Legislature: "He once announced, 'This is unparalyzed in the state's history." Another Gibberism: "It could have bad ramifistations in the hilterlands."

    The author makes a journey through wild and hostile terrain, finding a proud and warlike people who received him with great generosity and quiet courtesy. Every Pathan male carries a gun and defends his independence and the honour of his family and his tribe, to the death.

    Whether the following studies deal with economic topics, such as employment, interest, money, banking, business cycles, taxes, public goods, or growth; with philosophical problems as the foundations of know ledge, and of economics and ethics in particular; or the reconstruction and theoretical explanation of historical and sociological phenomena such as exploitation, the rise and fall of civilizations, international politics, war, imperialism, and the role of ideas and ideological movements in the course of social evolution - each ultimately contributes to but one conclusion: The right to private property is an indisputably valid, absolute principle of ethics and the basis for continuous 'optimal' economic progress. To rise from the ruins of socialism and overcome the stagnation of the Western welfare states, nothing will suffice but the uncompromizing privatization of all socialized, that is, government, property and the establishment of a contractual society based on the recognition of the absoluteness of private property rights. *** In writing the following studies I received help from many sides. Special thanks go to my wife Margaret, who again took on the task of de Germanizing my English; to Llewellyn H."

    Yet there are those who insist that the death of six million Jews in Nazi concentration camps is nothing but a hoax perpetrated by a powerful Zionist conspiracy. Forty years ago, such notions were the province of pseudohistorians who argued that Hitler never meant to kill the Jews, and that only a few hundred thousand died in the camps from disease; they also argued that the Allied bombings of Dresden and other cities were worse than any Nazi offense, and that the Germans were the "true victims" of World War II. For years, those who made such claims were dismissed as harmless cranks operating on the lunatic fringe. But over the past decade they have begun to gain a hearing in respectable arenas, and now, in the first full-scale history of Holocaust denial, Deborah Lipstadt shows how - despite tens of thousands of living witnesses and vast amounts of documentary evidence - this irrational idea not only has continued to gain adherents but has become an international movement, with organized chapters, "independent" research centers, and official publications that promote a "revisionist" view of recent history. One sign of the movement's disturbing resonance is the rise of such figures as the Holocaust denier David Duke to national prominence. Holocaust deniers have also begun to make common cause with radical Afrocentrists such as Leonard Jeffries of New York's City University, who retells racist myths about the Jews; and a recent campaign of ads in college newspapers calling for "open debate" on "so-called facts" about the Holocaust suggests a bold new bid for mainstream intellectual legitimacy. Lipstadt shows how Holocaust denial thrives in the current atmosphere of value relativism, and argues that this chilling attack on the factual record not only threatens Jews but undermines the very tenets of objective scholarship that support our faith in historical knowledge.

    People with disabilities forging the newest and last human rights movement of the century.

    Kennedy's assassination. Offering a wholly new perspective—that JFK's death was not just an isolated case, but rather a symptom of hidden processes—Scott examines the deep politics of early 1960s American international and domestic policies.Scott offers a disturbing analysis of the events surrounding Kennedy's death, and of the "structural defects" within the American government that allowed such a crime to occur and to go unpunished. In nuanced readings of both previously examined and newly available materials, he finds ample reason to doubt the prevailing interpretations of the assassination. He questions the lone assassin theory and the investigations undertaken by the House Committee on Assassinations, and unearths new connections between Oswald, Ruby, and corporate and law enforcement forces.Revisiting the controversy popularized in Oliver Stone's movie JFK, Scott probes the link between Kennedy's assassination and the escalation of the U.S. commitment in Vietnam that followed two days later. He contends that Kennedy's plans to withdraw troops from Vietnam—offensive to a powerful anti-Kennedy military and political coalition—were secretly annulled when Johnson came to power. The split between JFK and his Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the collaboration between Army Intelligence and the Dallas Police in 1963, are two of the several missing pieces Scott adds to the puzzle of who killed Kennedy and why.Scott presses for a new investigation of the Kennedy assassination, not as an external conspiracy but as a power shift within the subterranean world of American politics. Deep Politics and the Death of JFK shatters our notions of one of the central events of the twentieth century.

    The present Sixth edition updates the book to February 18, 2002. It deals not only with the Pokhran Nuclear Test and Kargil war and the events leading to the Vajpayee-Musharraf Summit but also with the ever-increasing dimensions of international terrorism which resulted in the destruction of the World Trade Center and attack on the Indian Parliament.

    Rather, the law has established and protected an actual property interest in whiteness itself, which shares the critical characteristics of property and accords with the many and varied theoretical descriptions of property.Although by popular usage property describes "things" owned by persons, or the rights of persons with respect to a thing, the concept of property prevalent among most theorists, even prior to the twentieth century, is that property may "consist[] of rights in 'things' that are intangible, or whose existence is a matter of legal definition." Property is thus said to be a right, not a thing, characterized as metaphysical, not physical. The theoretical bases and conceptual descriptions of property rights are varied, ranging from first possessor rules, to creation of value, to Lockean labor theory, to personality theory, to utilitarian theory. However disparate, these formulations of property clearly illustrate the extent to which property rights and interests embrace much more than land and personalty. Thus, the fact that whiteness is not a "physical" entity does not remove it from the realm of property.Whiteness is not simply and solely a legally recognized property interest. It is simultaneously an aspect of self-identity and of personhood, and its relation to the law of property is complex. Whiteness has functioned as self- identity in the domain of the intrinsic, personal, and psychological; as reputation in the interstices between internal and external identity; and, as property in the extrinsic, public, and legal realms. According whiteness actual legal status converted an aspect of identity into an external object of property, moving whiteness from privileged identity to a vested interest. The law's construction of whiteness defined and affirmed critical aspects of identity (who is white); of privilege (what benefits accrue to that status); and, of property (what legal entitlements arise from that status). Whiteness at various times signifies and is deployed as identity, status, and property, sometimes singularly, sometimes in tandem.

    The book no major publisher dared to print. Once you've read Final Judgment you'll never look at the JFK assassination the same way again.

    Bhutto's political rise and fall were so meteoric that his name became a legend in the land he once ruled. Indeed, a full decade after his execution his continuing popularity ensured the election of his daughter, Benazir, to the premier position he once held. As she campaigned in Sind and Punjab, the crowds cried "Jiye Bhutto "--"Bhutto Lives "--and the Bhutto they meant was Zulfi. Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan tells the story of this remarkable life in a vivid, insightful narrative. Written by Stanley Wolpert, a leading authority on South Asia and the author of the acclaimed biography Jinnah of Pakistan, the volume traces the life of this remarkable figure from the colorful days of his feudal ancestors to his imprisonment and hanging at the hands of a military dictatorship.Bhutto, Wolpert writes, was a charismatic and contradictory man, a microcosmic reflection of Pakistan itself--a nation born out of division with India which later fell victim to its own internal split with the creation of Bangladesh. Wolpert follows him from his privileged youth in British-ruled India, to his years as a student at USC and UC Berkeley (where he sported a thin moustache, shiny two-tone shoes, and proved a keen, if rakish, fraternity brother), to Oxford and back to Pakistan. Bhutto climbed to the heights of power with amazing swiftness, winning a seat in the central Cabinet of Pakistan at the unprecedented age of thirty. Wolpert weaves Pakistan's turbulent politics and repeated wars with India together with Bhutto's ambitious maneuvering, tracing his rise to Foreign Minister, the founding of his own political movement, and finally leadership of the nation. The story of Bhutto's sometimes brilliant, sometimes quixotic career is a fascinating one, and Wolpert tells it well, through Bhutto's triumphant years in the mid-1970s, the military coup in 1977, and his treacherous imprisonment and execution in 1979. Like the nation he embodied, Bhutto led a sprawling, ambitious, and tragic existence. Wolpert's intensively researched, engagingly written account captures the scheming, the grandeur, and the contradictions of one of modern history's most fascinating figures.

    Moving beyond Manila, the volume offers detailed accounts of how strong men such as Ramon Durano, Ali Dimaporo, and Justiniano Montano used "guns, goons, and gold" to become powerful provincial warlords. Illustrated with many original photographs, maps, and genealogies, this book is a valuable resource for anyone who seeks to understand the modern Philippines.

    Few have written with such insight as Christopher Hitchens about the large events — or with such discernment and wit about the small tell-tale signs of a disordered culture.For the Sake of Argument ranges from the political squalor of Washington, as a beleaguered Bush administration seeks desperately to stave off disaster and Clinton prepares for power; to the twilight of Stalinism in Prague; from the Jewish quarter of Damascus in the aftermath of the Gulf War to the embattled barrios of Central America and the imperishable resistance of Sarajevo, as a difficult peace is negotiated with ruthless foes. Hitchens’s unsparing account of Western realpolitik in the end shows it to rest on delusion as well as deception.The reader will find in these pages outstanding essays on political assassination in America as well as a scathing review of the evisceration of politics by pollsters and spin-doctors. Hitchens’s knowledge of the tortuous history of revolutions in the twentieth century helps him explain both the New York intelligentsia's flirtation with Trotskyism and the frailty of Communist power structures in Eastern Europe.Hitchens's pointed reassessments of Graham Greene, P. G. Wodehouse and C. L. R. James, or his riotous celebration of drinking and smoking, display an engaging enthusiasm and an acerbic wit. Equally entertaining is his unsparing rogues’ gallery, which gives us unforgettable portraits of the lugubrious “Dr.” Kissinger, the comprehensively reactionary “Mother” Teresa, the preposterous Paul Johnson and the predictable P. J. O’Rourke.

    Since the second edition was published in 1994, prison populations, especially in Russia and America, have grown at an increasingly rapid rate. This third edition is published to take account of these changes and draw attention to the scale of an escalating problem. It contains completely new chapters - one on 'penal geography', the other on 'the Russian case' - and has been extensively revised.

    This collection of his eloquent speeches, published on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of RFK's death, are offered by the co-editors of the bestselling RFK: In His Own Words. Photos.

    Frequently reprinted with slightly differing bibliographical details but the same ISBN.

    This man and his teachings have been responsible for transforming the lives of millions of black men and women, many of whom this society has rejected as incorrigible, irredeemable, irreformable, irretrievable, hopeless and lost. Yet, the Honorable Elijah Muhammad, with the Word of Allah (God), has been able to initiate the process of our salvation, redemption and resurrection, which continues to this day.... This book is humbly submitted as a torchlight for guiding the country out from its present condition toward a more peaceful and productive society in which mutual respect governs the relations between the diverse members of America. --- excerpts from book's Preface

     The Times Higher Education Supplement wrote of the first edition that it was "a tour de force of systematic theology. It would be churlish not to acknowledge its provocation and brilliance". Featured in The Church Times "100 Best Christian Books Brings this classic work up-to-date by reviewing the development of modern social thought. Features a substantial new introduction by Milbank, clarifying the theoretical basis for his work. Challenges the notion that sociological critiques of theology are 'scientific'. Outlines a specifically theological social theory, and in doing so, engages with a wide range of thinkers from Plato to Deleuze. Written by one of the world's most influential contemporary theologians and the author of numerous books.

    Kennedy, these remastered recordings of his original speeches include all the key public addresses by a passionate advocate of true democracy.

    The fireworks are in the document itself: READ THE CONSTITUTION! WARNING: This document may be hazardous to bad laws. Courts may not welcome or approve of these truths, neither are they to be construed as legal advice. Therefore, to act on these facts is to do so at your own risk or opportunity.

    Cabinet colleagues, royalty, ambassadors, civil servants and foreign dignitaries are all subjected to Clark's vivid and often wittily acerbic pen, as he candidly records the daily struggle for ascendancy within the corridors of power.

    In Cornel West's hands issues of race and freedom are inextricably tied to questions of philosophy and, above all, to a belief in the power of the human spirit.

    It traces her passionate and indignant response to the excitement of the early days of the French Revolution and then her uneasiness at its later bloody phase. It reveals her developing understanding of women's involvement in the political and social life of the nation and her growing awareness of the relationship between politics and economics and between political institutions and the individual. In personal terms, the works show her struggling with a belief in the perfectibility of human nature through rational education, a doctrine that became weaker under the onslaught of her own miserable experience and the revolutionary massacres. Janet Todd's introduction illuminates the progress of Wollstonecraft's thought, showing that a reading of all three works allows her to emerge as a more substantial political writer than a study of The Rights of Woman alone can reveal.

    In this underground bestseller, which has come to define Spence's political philosophy, he speaks out against the destructive forces in America today-forces of government and corporate tyranny that are robbing us of our freedom-and he warns us that time is running out.In a dramatic new chapter, presented for the first time in a trade paperback edition, Spence recounts in astonishing detail the government shoot-out at Ruby Ridge and the resulting trial of separatist Randy Weaver, revealing the important lessons we must learn from this tragic case.Finally, Spence makes the eloquent case that we, as Americans, have delivered our freedoms to new masters: corporate and governmental conglomerates, our biased court system, and the censored media. From Freedom to Slavery is an urgent work that urges us to resist this tyranny, a book that must be read and discussed by all concerned citizens of our troubled land.

    It also contains passages from their correspondence, and Evola evaluates those scholars who attempted to follow in Guénon's footsteps. It is a good introduction to the similarities and differences between Evola and Guénon.

    But after some experiences they were surprised when even intellectuals who had Western academic training remained deeply attached to Islam. In this book, Davutoglu develops a comparative analysis between Western and Islamic political theories and images. His argument contends that the conflicts and contrasts between Islamic and Western political thought originate from their philosophical, methodological, and theoretical background rather than mere institutional and historical differences. The questions of how and through which processes these alternative conceptions of the world affect political ideas via a set of axiological presuppositions are the crux of the book. Contents: Transliteration; Introduction; I. Theoretical Inquiries. Western Paradigm: Ontological Proximity; Islamic Paradigm: Tawhid and Ontological Differentiation; II. Political Consequences. Justification of the Socio-Political System: Cosmologico-Ontological Foundations; Legitimation of Political Authority: Epistemologico-Axiological Foundations; Power Theories and Pluralism; The Political Unit and the Universal Political System; Concluding Comparative Remarks.

    This book is the antidote, covering the whole history of this nutty and dangerous system of thoughtIt begins by an alternatively hilarious and tragic introduction by the editor Yuri Maltsev. He describes in vivid detail life in the Soviet Union, which, he points out contrary to myth, was indeed an attempt to realize Marx's vision. Of course the system moved away from the strict doctrine, lest everyone in the country be reduced to the most primitive possible economic conditions. He describes a society in which nothing works, ethics and morals collapse, and absurdities abound in every aspect of daily life. It is a priceless first-hand account.Next come sweeping essays by David Gordon and Hans-Hermann Hoppe that get into the guts of the Marxian system and show where it went wrong from both a philosophical and economic perspective. Hoppe in particular here shows how Marx took classical liberal doctrine on the state and misapplied it in ways that contradicted all logic and experience.Gary North provides a devastating look at Marx the man, while Ralph Raico zeros in on the Marxian doctrine of class. Finally, and as a triumphant finish, Rothbard offers a wholesale revision of the basis of Marxism. It was not economics, he says. It was the longing for a universal upheaval to overthrow all things we know about the world and replace it with a crazed fantasy based secular/religious longings. Rothbard finds all this in the unknown writings of Marx and his post-millennial predecessors in the history of ideas.This book made its first appearance in 1992, and has been out of print all these years. It is fantastic to have it back and available in this very affordable edition. (Mises.org)

    The main thesis of this book is that, in the intellectual life, there are only two ultimate alternatives: either the thinker conforms desire to truth or he conforms truth to desire. Degenerate Moderns is a marvelous tour de force. Required reading for anyone who wishes to understand the intellectual fashions of the Twentieth century.

    A collection of some of the most incisive Hazlitt articles and essays prepared by the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE).

    Based on considerable empirical research it provides original theories of the rise of nations and nationalism, of class conflict, of the modern state and of modern militarism. While not afraid to generalize, it also stresses social and historical complexity. The author sees human society as a patterned mess and attempts to provide a sociological theory appropriate to this. This theory culminates in the final chapter, an original explanation of the causes of the First World War.

    This searching and incisive analysis of the major world transformation now taking place shows how it will affect society,economics, business, and politics and explains how we are movingfrom a society based on capital, land, and labor to a society whoseprimary source is knowIedge and whose key structure is theorganization.

    These wide-ranging interviews, from 1992 and 1993, cover everything from Bosnia and Somalia to biotechnology and nonviolence, with particular attention to the "Third Worldization" of the United States.

    This volume makes Schmitt’s masterpiece of comparative constitutionalism available to English-language readers for the first time. Schmitt is considered by many to be one of the most original—and, because of his collaboration with the Nazi party, controversial—political thinkers of the twentieth century. In Constitutional Theory, Schmitt provides a highly distinctive and provocative interpretation of the Weimar Constitution. At the center of this interpretation lies his famous argument that the legitimacy of a constitution depends on a sovereign decision of the people. In addition to being subject to long-standing debate among legal and political theorists in Western Europe and the United States, this theory of constitution-making as decision has profoundly influenced constitutional theorists and designers in Asia, Latin America, and Eastern Europe. Constitutional Theory is a significant departure from Schmitt’s more polemical Weimar-era works not just in terms of its moderate tone. Through a comparative history of constitutional government in Europe and the United States, Schmitt develops an understanding of liberal constitutionalism that makes room for a strong, independent state. This edition includes an introduction by Jeffrey Seitzer and Christopher Thornhill outlining the cultural, intellectual, and political contexts in which Schmitt wrote Constitutional Theory; they point out what is distinctive about the work, examine its reception in the postwar era, and consider its larger theoretical ramifications. This volume also contains extensive editorial notes and a translation of the Weimar Constitution.

    This volume covers a wide range of enthusiasms, criticisms, tributes, and reflections from the former National Review editor.

    When Lenin became too infirm to remove Stalin from a position of power, when the shah of Iran's terminal cancer was kept secret from fellow Iranians and foreign supporters until Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic revolution had succeeded, the political consequences were monumental. In this absorbing book, two experts in political psychology reveal how the infirmities of leaders have affected their own societies and the broader course of world events. Drawing on a wide range of examples, including Mad King Ludwig of Bavaria, Woodrow Wilson, Adolf Hitler, Idi Amin, Deng Xiao-peng, Ferdinand Marcos, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and Menachem Begin, Dr. Jerrold M. Post and Robert S. Robins explore the impact of physical and mental illness on political leadership.Post and Robins investigate the effects of illness on the leader, his inner circle, his followers, and the political system itself. They discuss such thought-provoking topics as:—how the nature of the illness affects decisionmaking;—how mortal illness can make a leader more determined to make his mark on history;—how a leader's disability can be hidden from the public in every political system;—the effects of prescribed drugs and substance abuse on leadership behavior;—the conflicted role and ethical dilemmas of physicians who care for the powerful;—and how the demands and privileges of high office compromise the quality of medical care.In closed societies where there is no clear mechanism of succession, say the authors, the ailing or aging leader and his close advisers can become locked in a fatal embrace, each dependent upon the other for survival: a captive king and his captive court. In the absence of clear rules for determining when a leader is disabled and should be replaced and how a successor will be chosen, illness in high office can be highly destabilizing. Post and Robins's book will be engrossing—and timely—reading for all those interested in leadership, history, and the political process.

    has no dominant ideology, the author confronts the myths in American society that limit the perception of political reality and constrain progressive reform.

    The contributors analyze the contradiction between globalizing and territorially based social and political forces in the context of past, present, and future world orders, and view the emerging world order as undergoing a structural transformation, a triple crisis involving economic, political and socio-cultural change. The prevailing trend of the 1980s and early 1990s toward the marketization and commodification of social relations leads the contributors to argue that socialism needs to be redefined away from the totalizing visions associated with Marxism-Leninism, toward the idea of the self defense of society and social choice to counter the disintegrating and atomizing effects of globalizing and unplanned market forces.

    Part of the proceeds goes to the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Fund, which rewards individuals who have accomplished themselves in the area of human rights. Authorized by the Kennedy family.

    Roberts recounts the moves, the trades, and the developments that put this young and talented team together. Co-author C. Paul Rogers III interviewed many of the other players from that memorable season, and even manager Eddie Sawyer. Their recollections, accompanied by more than 80 black-and-white photographs, offer an uncommon look at what went into building the extraordinary Whiz Kids. Rich with anecdotes never before published from players like Hall-of-Famer Richie Ashburn, Bubba Church, Andy Seminick, Curt Simmons, Del Ennis, Dick Sisler, Russ Meyer, and many others, this book relives the success of the Whiz Kids in all their glory.

    This book documents, from Pandit Nehru's own writings and speeches, the Genesis and Growth of his ideology--how he was drawn into the Comintern network in 1926; how he became a worshiper of the Soviet Union after a brief visit to Moscow in 1927; how Lenin and Stalin became his heroes par excellence.

    Contributors: Sotirios A. Barber, Michael W. McConnell, Sanford Levinson, Stephen Macedo, Andrzej Rapacznski, Thomas C. Grey, Lawrence G. Sager, Morris S. Arnold, Earl M. Maltz, Susanna Sherry, Calvin R. Massey, Thomas McAffee and Raoul Berger. Together with Volume I, which covers primarily the history and proper interpretation of the amendment itself, these books constitute the definitive reference work on the Ninth Amendment.

    For this third edition, Sakwa has updated the text throughout to include details of Yeltsin's second term and the impact on Russian politics of the rise of his successor, Vladimir Putin.It has, since its first publication in 1993, become an indispensable guide for all those who need to know about the current political scene in Russia, about the country's political stability and about the future of democracy under its post-communist leadership.Also contains a substantially expanded bibliography and appendices showing election results, chronology, social and demographic figures and recent census data.This is the ideal introductory textbook: it covers all the key issues; it is clearly written; and it includes the most up-to-date material available.

    A private matter is something one doesn'twant the whole world to know, but a secret matter is something onedoesn't want anybody to know. Privacy is the power to selectivelyreveal oneself to the world.

    History

    Now, writing for the first time under his own name, Makiya confronts the broad realities of tyranny in the Middle East and the moral failure of Arab and pro-Arab intellectuals to repudiate it.Makiya first gives us the stories of Khalil, Abu Haydar, Omar, Mustafa, and Taimour—the Arab and Kurdish heroes of this book. Their testimony, revealing the true extent of occupation, prejudice, revolution, and routinized violence, is a compelling example of the literature of witness. He then links these tales of survival to an examination of the Arab intelligentsia's response to Saddam Hussein and the Gulf War, comparing the flood of condemnation of the West with the trickle of protest over Saddam's mass murder campaign against the Kurds.In his exploration of these "landscapes of cruelty and silence," Kanan Makiya lays out the nationalist mythologies that underlie them. He calls for a new politics in the Arab world—a politics that puts absolute respect for human life above all else.

    The editors have taken a broad view of the range of issues that are relevant to political philosophy, and the Companion covers the contributions of economics, history, law, political science and sociology as well as philosophy - analytic and continental. In general, political philosophers are not just interested in the routines that govern politics but also in the various systems which politics may be used to shape. They are concerned with all the institutions that help to determine what John Rawls describes as the 'basic structure' of society. To provide a comprehensive guide to current thinking in political philosophy, Robert Goodin and Philip Pettit have divided the book into three parts: Disciplinary Contributions, Major Ideologies and Special Topics. In addition, the Companion's 41 chapters have been contributed by some of today's most distinguished academics, drawn from several different disciplines. The first part of the book consists of a series of extended essays on the contribution that a number of different disciplines have made and are making to current debates. Analyses of political ideologies form the next section, followed by discussions of major concepts ranging from virtue and equality to sociobiology and environmentalism that form the subject matter of philosophical debate.

    Known to Foreign Service colleagues as "the Arabists," these were the men and women who had spent much of their lives, usually with their families, living in the Arab world as diplomats, military attaches, intelligence agents, and educators. Descended from the missionaries, scholars, and explorers who first ventured into the region - an offshoot of the WASP elite that ruled America during the nineteenth century - the Arabists were an exclusive caste linked by complex social, institutional, and family ties. Thoroughly at home in Arab cultures and often enjoying relations of longstanding intimacy with the monarchs and ruling elites of Arab countries, these American expatriates lived a charmed lifestyle that has become a source of intense nostalgia among the Arabists themselves as well as a symbol of their romance with Arab culture and increasing isolation from American society and interests. The Arabists dominated American policy and shaped our perception of the Arab world throughout the colonial and interwar periods. But after World War II, the diplomatic corps began to change, reflecting the country's new ethnic and social diversity. Kaplan describes the impact of this change within the State Department, showing how the advent of Irish Catholics, Jews, and Harvard-trained regional experts created internal pressures that slowly loosened the Arabists' grip on Middle East diplomacy in the postwar period. Drawing on interviews, memoirs, and other official and private sources, Kaplan reconstructs the hundred-year history of the Arabist elite, and traces their decline against the background of this social transformation.

    

    Dasgupta's aim here is to offer a description of destitution as it occurs among rural populations of the poor countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America; to give an account of the forces at work which perpetuate destitution, and to offer prescriptions for both the public and private spheres of life.A central concern of the author has been to reconcile theoretical considerations with the empirical evidence that has been obtained in the several disciplines this work encompasses, including anthropology, demography, ecology, geography, and philosophy. The entire discussion is designed to provide a philosophy for human well-being that can guide public policy in poor countries. Therefore, the role of the State, of communities, of households, and of individuals is studied in considerable detail.The author reveals an empirical link between greater political and civil liberties and improvements in life expectancy at birth, national income per capita, and infant survival rates. He identifies patterns of asset redistribution that promote economic growth by raising labor productivity, and argues that democratic participation in the design of public policies is not only intrinsically valuable, but has strong instrumental virtues: it allows privately held information to be put into effective use. Dasgupta presents evidence to show that significant reductions in military budgets would free the resources needed for the satisfaction of citizens' basic economic needs, and he provides guidance for the motivation and necessary focus of governments. He also looks at the allocation of food, work, health care, education, and income across genders, age groups, and orders of birth. He explores the findings of nutritionists on the link between food needs and work capacity, and develops a language to allow the environment to be included in social policies and calculations. By covering an unprecedented range of material, An Inquiry into Well-Being and Destitution becomes required reading for all those concerned with the human situation and the plight of the destitute.

    Written by a leading activist in the labour movement, the book redresses the balance in much labour history writing. It examines the place of women and the influence of racism and sexism as well as providing a critical analysis of the rival ideologies which played a role in the uneven development of the labour movement.

    volume 4

    From liberal to communitarian to republican, political theorists of opposing positions often treat political theory less as an exploration of politics than as a series of devices of its displacement. Honig characterizes Kant, Rawls, and Sandel as virtue theorists of politics, arguing that they rely on principles of right, rationality, community, and law to protect their political theories from the conflict and uncertainty of political reality. Drawing on Nietzsche and Arendt, as well as Machiavelli and Derrida, Honig explores an alternative politics of virt�, which treats the disruptions of political order as valued sites of democratic freedom and individuality.

    Meanwhile, in our perverse justice system the sexual assaults and murders of forty-five women in San Diego are discounted by police and given file code name NHI, No Humans Involved, because the victims are perceived as marginal: sex workers, informants, homeless or working class women.The women in Critical Condition challenge abuse and invisibility with powerful literary and visual art. They put a spin on issues of women and violence by focusing on women won fight back, sometimes killing their abusers; women who control their own sexualities and challenge conventional ideas of sex; women who assert images of themselves in a cultural landscape where none appear; women who reframe personal histories that were meant to shame them into oblivion.Critical Condition includes Carla Kirkwood’s autobiographical performance monologue about a girl, sexually abused by the men in her family, who becomes a feminist activist in the ‘70’s, and an artist in the ‘90’s. In impassioned poetry, Wanda Coleman takes a look at the embattled lives of African-Americans, particularly in Los Angeles. Sapphire’s searing poems about race and self-realization exposé the fallacy of the nuclear family and the vicious cycle of domestic violence. The Theory Girls’ performance script, “If You Were like the Heroine in a Country and Western song,” is both detailed expose and black comedy framing the relationship between Aileen Wuornos and Arlene Pralle (the born-again Christian who became enamored of Wuornos after her conviction) within the context to Hollywood’s fascination for women with guns.Here, too, are panel discussions, taken from a conference at The Lab and San Francisco Camerawork, that focus on self-revelation and art, women who kill, and the question of race and gender in the media. There are over twenty-five pages of visual art, including the Women’s Work billboard campaign promoting public awareness of domestic violence, wit work by Barbara Kruger and Carrie Mae Weems.Critical Condition shows women on the edge of violence, defending themselves, asserting public images that resist conventional ideas of powerlessness and victimization, and combating the dominant paradigm with irreverence and fierce commitment.

    This book argues that Economic Democracy, a competitive economy of democratically run enterprises that replaces capitalist financial markets with more suitable institutions, will be more efficient than capitalism, more rational in its growth, more democratic, more egalitarian, and less alienating.Against Capitalism is an ambitious book, drawing on philosophical analysis, economic theory, and considerable empirical evidence to advance its controversial thesis. It examines both conservative and liberal forms of capitalism; it compares Economic Democracy to other models of socialism; and it considers the transition to Economic Democracy from advanced capitalist societies, from economies built on the Soviet model, and from conditions of underdevelopment. The book concludes with some unconventional reflections on historical materialism, ideal communism, and the future of Marxism.

    Despite opposition from the media and the financial elite, the committee discovered that the Rockefeller, Ford, and Carnegie Foundations were working in education, government, and the media to convert our country into a socialist nation. This book documents the power of the Tax-Exempt foundations and how they used that power to subvert a nation.

    Here, in More than Words, the Governor of New York is seen and heard as a man of vision, a politician of poignancy and passion, and a leader whose achievements he puts behind himself as he stays riveted on the great burden of "unfinished work" that still lies ahead. More than Words is an extraordinary book. Stirring, provocative, lyrical, these twenty-nine speeches - among the finest of hundreds of talks given by Cuomo in three decades of public service - not only define the meaning of leadership in late-twentieth-century America but provide an insightful and personal portrait of the man himself. It is a son's tale of an immigrant father who "dug ditches until he could save enough to buy the small grocery store and the rooms above it" where Cuomo was born. And a mother who arrived alone in America with "little more than a suitcase and the address of her laborer husband who had preceded her." The powerful love that bound the family together, their belief in the dignity of work and their willingness to sacrifice, the respect for God's creations, for themselves and for their responsibilities, are the values they passed on to all their children, including their third son, Mario Cuomo, and they are the values that are found woven through virtually all of his speeches. More than Words reflects the ideals of a man who has made it his task to point out the massive inequities that divide our nation into two camps - one prospering, the other suffering - and how this gulf was never bridged in the time of Reagan and Bush. Set in a historical context, More than Words can easily be read as a counterpoint - not so much Democratic counterpoint but a passionately expressed human counterpoint - to a generation of limousine executives who led America from 1980 through 1992. Mario Cuomo's vision of America was nowhere more more eloquently conveyed than in his keynote address to the Democratic Convention in San Francisco on the evening of July 16, 1984. Attacking the Reagan administration for its "New Federalism" while describing America as "a tale of two cities," Cuomo took the country by storm with his command of the language and his ability to portray what Virgil once described as "the tears of things" (lacrimae rerum). After this speech his role as one of the nation's leading orators was secured." "Along with this memorable keynote speech from 1984 are dozens of other addresses, some quite well known, others less so, that serve as the ideological and philosophical ledger that is Mario Cuomo. Included in More than Words are the Notre Dame speech on abortion, the American Bar Association speech of 1986 outlining the proper and improper ways by which a Supreme Court justice is nominated, the Springfield, Illinois, address on the legacy of Abraham Lincoln, and the Democratic nominating speech of 1992, as well as Cuomo's views on such subjects as freedom of the press, Israel, the death penalty, and the function of labor unions.

    

    

    King's personality is better known than what he said or stood for, and his violent death has overshadowed his life and message of hope. Drawing from his books, speeches, sermons, and other sources, this eloquent collection presents King's philosophy in his own words. one of the nation's greatest leaders. (Plume)January

    It had been a small-town agricultural community, where Jewish chicken ranchers and radicals enjoyed a vigorous Yiddish cultural life, maintained intense political commitments, and took part in sharp conflicts among themselves and with the society beyond.In this unique work of oral history, Kenneth Kann has ingeniously arranged and edited interviews with more than two hundred people, some of them telling their life stories in their own Yiddishized English. We meet an array of striking characters and families of three generations--East European immigrant settlers, their children, and their grandchildren.The narrative begins with the immigrant generation's flight from the Old World and traces the immigrants' long, uneasy adjustment to life in America. It describes the dilemma of the members of the second generation, who find themselves torn between the ways of their parents and the gentile world around them. The book concludes with accounts of the third generation, who feel distant from their grandparents but who struggle to recover lost ethnic roots and are uncertain how to raise their children.In this compelling chorus of voices, we find a Jewish Communist who describes being tarred and feathered in the 1930s and his grandson, recalling his own encounters, during the anti-war movement of the 1960s, with the grandchildren of the vigilantes who carried out the earlier assault. An immigrant proudly explains why she taught her children Yiddish, and a grandchild scolds his parents because they did not. One young woman finds the Jewish community too gossipy and confining; another is warmed by its closeness.The cast is vibrant, their words both touching and often hilarious. Comrades and Chicken Ranchers is a delight.

    Supplementing classical political economy with the insights of fields ranging from psychoanalysis and phenomenology to evolutionary anthropology and systems theory, History and Obstinacy reaches down into the deepest strata of unconscious thought, genetic memory, and cellular life to examine the complex ecology of expropriation and resistance.First published in German 1981, and never before translated into English, this epochal collaboration between Kluge and Negt has now been edited, expanded, and updated by the authors in response to global developments of the last decade to create an entirely new analysis of -the capitalism within us.-

    The two nations share a common history, religious heritage, pattern of law and politics, and a body of great literature. Yet, America cannot be wholly confident that this heritage will endure forever. Declining standards in education and the strident claims of multiculturalists threaten to sever the vital Anglo-American link that ensures cultural order and continuity. In America's British Culture, now in paperback, Russell Kirk offers a brilliant summary account and spirited defense of the culture that the people of the United States have inherited from Great Britain.

    This book is the story of a man who has decided to come in out of the cold, to clear his conscience, and to share the hard lessons he has learned. Line drawings.

    John Simmons's exploration and development of Lockean moral and political philosophy, a project begun in The Lockean Theory of Rights (Princeton paperback edition, 1994). Here Simmons discusses the Lockean view of the nature of, grounds for, and limits on political relations between persons.Originally published in 1993.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    

    From the First International to the 1872 Anti-Authoritarian International, from government suppression and anarchist insurrection to Errico Malatesta's prominent role in resurrecting the anarchist movement, Nunzio Pernicone's original research provides a critical examination of early anarchist practices.Nunzio Pernicone is an associate professor of history at Drexel University. He is the author of Carlo Tresca: Portrait of a Rebel.

    Since the time of Confucius and Mencius, no other work in the long Confucian tradition has stood out so clearly as a major critique of Chinese dynastic institutions.

    In the years since then, however, significant developments have challenged the paradigm's validity, causing a `pardigmatic shift'. International Law and the Use of Force traces this shift and explores its implications for contemporary international law and practice.

    In this searingly powerful, daring, vitally important work from the front lines of the crisis, Andrea Vaucher explores, for the first time, the impact of AIDS on the work of artists who have tested HIV-positive themselves, from their own perspective, in their own words. Through intimate and revealing interviews, men and women from the worlds of literature, film, theater, dance, music, and the visual arts discuss the effects of AIDS on their own artistic evolution and on the creative process. Edmund White, Kenny O'Brien, Peter Adair, Paul Monette, Robert Farber, Arnie Zane, David Wojnarowicz, Bo Huston, Cyril Collard, Robert Mapplethorpe, Marlon Riggs, Herve Guibert, Larry Kramer, Tory Dent, Essex Hemphill, Carlos Almaraz, and Keith Haring are some of the artists who have had the generosity and sheer guts to share this most private side of their lives. Here they speak with freshness, vigor, and sometimes painful honesty on such subjects as anger, alienation and isolation, death and loss, activism and politics, freedom, spirituality, symbolism, sexuality, immediacy, and legacy as they relate directly to their work. The life of the artist has always been a kind of hero's journey, which AIDS only intensifies. Many of the artists living with the AIDS virus find themselves possessed of new and extraordinary energy, channeling fear and frustration into a kind of creative fire, finding new means of expression, changing the way they work and the way they perceive the ultimate meaning of that work. This transformation has far-reaching implications for the whole of late-twentieth-century art and beyond. Defiant, insightful, funny, tough, and tender, this is a book about courage, perseverance, and transcendence - and essential reading for

    For thousands of visitors each year, this oasis in the Sonoran Desert offers the opportunity to experience biodiversity in action. David Lazaroff has called on years of studying, photographing, and educating people about Sabino Canyon to produce this clearly written and beautifully illustrated book. Focusing on the importance of Sabino Creek both to plants and animals and to human recreation, he tracks the ebb and flow of canyon life through the year and tells how people have sought to utilize the canyon through history. First-time visitors to Sabino Canyon will find their experience enriched through Lazaroff's insights into plants, animals, and geology, while those who regularly frequent Sabino's trails or pools can become better informed about its fragile desert and riparian habitats. For anyone curious about life in a genuine Southwestern oasis, this book captures the beauty and uniqueness of a natural treasure-house located in a bustling city's back yard.

    Includes articles on:- Jack Kervorkian- Al Sharpton- NAMBLA- The Kids of Widney High- Boyd Rice- Underdog Lady- 100 Reasons to Commit Suicide

    

    In Africa, the new Europe, Asia, and the Americas, nations chart a bold course toward democracy. But they cannot break free of old divisions, as ethnic nationalism emerges amidst economic devastation. Indeed, nations everywhere, however powerful, are buffeted on every side. Their sovereignty is checked by the global economy as well as powerful regional economic and political blocs. At a time of exceptional ferment, Oxford is pleased to present the most authoritative, timely, in-depth reference available for understanding the people, nations, conflicts, movements, institutions, and issues that dominate the world political stage. Edited by a team of eminent political scientists, The Oxford Companion to Politics of the World provides readers the depth of coverage, the historical contexts, and the richness of interpretation needed to come to terms with today's volatile international scene. Drawing on the insights of nearly 500 authors from more than 40 countries, the volume provides comprehensive coverage of international affairs and domestic politics throughout the world. Articles discuss virtually every nation in the world, and include extensive information on institutions, political parties, leaders, and the sources of political mobilization and conflict. The volume also includes biographies of more than seventy-five political leaders and thinkers who have shaped the contemporary political world, and detailed discussions of critical historical developments and events, concepts, international law, and organizations. For example, there is a biography of Richard M. Nixon by Garry Wills and one of Winston Churchill by Martin Gilbert; an essay on development and underdevelopment by Claude Ake; an article on human rights by Aryeh Neier; coverage of such subjects as Hiroshima, sovereignty, and the International Court of Justice by Richard Falk. Todd Gitlin writes on the New Left, Anthony Lake on the Vietnam War, and Robert B. Reich on deindustrialization. Charlotte Bunch examines feminism, and Zhores A. Medvedev explains Chernobyl. The Companion also presents major interpretive essays treating seminal contemporary themes such as ethnicity, nationalism, war, gender and politics, and environmentalism, essays that offer readers a deeper, more substantial understanding of headlines day after day. Drawn from a wide range of disciplines, including political science, economics, women's studies, law, anthropology, history, and business, the contributors to the volume provide factual information, new insights, and fresh interpretations as they consider the critical political developments of the twentieth century. The Oxford Companions have long been respected for their lively and informative presentation of the finest scholarship. (Harper's has called the the best reference books in the language.) The Oxford Companion to Politics of the World maintains this high standard in an accessible, timely, thought-provoking, and comprehensive reference that captures the complexity, vitality, and endless fascination of contemporary world affairs.

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    There's a Black Woman on each of the seven continents, in almost every country and in the space program. So no matter where you go, she's already been there. She travels with forces greater than herself. Her presence is everywhere. Black Women for Beginners chronicles the trials and triumphs of Black Women from antiquity to the present, reflecting with wit and humor the challenges they have faced and the fortitude and strength that have sustained Black Women and patterned history with a diversity of excellence. As warriors, healers, teachers, mothers, queens, and liberators Black Women have had tremendous impact on issues from food to fashion, from politics to poetry. Replete with a glossary of reference terms, Black Women for Beginners whimsically details the influence of stereotypes on the portrayal of Black Women in various venues and punctuates the absurd with contributions by Women such as suffragette Mary Church Terrell and astronaut Mae Jemison.

    From Roosevelt to Clinton, Block tells us about his five decades of working in the nation's capital, with notes on famous personalities and his own strong political opinions. 8-page insert.

    A study of their writings is one of the most expeditious ways to explore the core of political science; comparing and contrasting the positions both theorists have taken in assessing that core provides a comprehensive appreciation of the main options of the Western tradition.In fifty-three recently discovered letters, Strauss and Voegelin explore the nature of their similarities and differences, offering trenchant observations about one another's work, about the state of the discipline, and about the influences working on them. The correspondence fleshes out many assumptions made in their published writings, often with a frankness and directness that removes all vestiges of ambiguity. Included with the correspondence are four pivotal re-published essays "Jerusalem and Athens: Some Preliminary Reflections" (Strauss), "The Gospel and Culture" (Voegelin), "Immortality: Experience and Symbol" (Voegelin), and "The Mutual Influence of Theology and Philosophy" (Strauss) and commentaries by James L. Wiser, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Stanley Rosen, Thomas J. J. Altizer, Timothy Fuller, Ellis Sandoz, Thomas L. Pangle, and David Walsh."

    No

    He argues that while past sanctions against the crime have inhibited all manner of cultural, political, scientific, and literary expression, we also pay a price for our extraordinary expansion of the scope of permissible speech. We have become, he charges, not only a free society but one that is 'numb' to outrage.

    He shows that for Aristotle, community is a conflict-ridden fact of everyday life, as well as an ideal of social harmony and integration. From political justice and the rule of law to class struggle and moral conflict, Yack maintains that Aristotle intended to explain the conditions of everyday political life, not just, as most commentators assume, to represent the hypothetical achievements of an idealistic "best regime."By showing how Aristotelian ideas can provide new insight into our own political life, Yack makes a valuable contribution to contemporary discourse and debate. His work will excite interest among a wide range of social, moral, and political theorists.

    A compelling study of how a community-based initiative neutralized the immobilizing power of homophobia and fear of AIDS.

    As such, it raises provocative questions about the subsequent intellectual development of the anti-modern tradition as it relates to the historical and social sciences of our time.