Supreme Court’s epochal decision outlawing racial segregation and the centerpiece of African-Americans’ ongoing crusade for equal justice under law.The 1954 Supreme Court ruling in the case of Brown v. Board of Education brought centuries of legal segregation in this country to an end. It was and remains, beyond question, one of the truly significant events in American history, “probably the most important American government act of any kind since the Emancipation Proclamation,” in the view of constitutional scholar Louis H. Pollak. The Brown decision climaxed a long, torturous battle for black equality in education, making hard law out of vague principles and opening the way for the broad civil rights upheavals of the 1960s and beyond.Simple Justice is the story of that battle. Richard Kluger traces the background of the epochal decision, from its remote legal and cultural roots to the complex personalities of those who brought about its realization. The result is a landmark work of popular history, graceful and fascinatingly detailed, the panoramic account of a struggle for human dignity in process since the birth of the nation.Here is the human drama, told in all its dimensions, of the many plaintiffs, men, women, and children, variously scared or defiant but always determined, who made the hard decision to proceed – bucking the white power structure in Topeka, Kansas; braving night riders in rural South Carolina; rallying fellow high school students in strictly segregated Prince Edward County, Virginia – and at a dozen other times and places showing their refusal to accept defeat.Here, too, is the extraordinary tale, told for the first time, of the black legal establishment, forced literally to invent itself before it could join the fight, then patiently assembling, in courtroom after courtroom, a body of law that would serve to free its people from thralldom to unjust laws. Heroes abound, some obscure, like Charles Houston (who built Howard Law School into a rigorous academy for black lawyers) and the Reverend J.A. DeLaine (the minister-teacher who, despite bitter opposition, organized and led the first crucial fight for educational equality in the Jim Crow South), others like Thurgood Marshall, justly famous – but all of whose passionate devotion proved intense enough to match their mission.Reading Simple Justice, we see how black Americans’ groundswell urge for fair treatment collides with the intransigence of white supremacists in a grinding legal campaign that inevitably found its way to the halls and chambers of the Supreme Court for a final showdown. Kluger searches out and analyzes what went on there during the months of hearings and deliberations, often behind closed doors, laying bare the doubts, disagreements, and often deeply held convictions of the nine Justices. He shows above all how Chief Justice Earl Warren, new to the Court but old in the ways of politics, achieved the impossible – a unanimous decision to reverse the 58-year-old false doctrine of “separate but equal” education for blacks. Impeccably researched and elegantly written, this may be the most revealing report ever published of America’s highest court at work.Based on extensive interviews and both published and unpublished documentary sources, Simple Justice has the lineaments of an epic. It will stand as the classic study of a turning point in our history.

    This classic work by the distinguished economist traces the history of nine American ethnic groups -- the Irish, Germans, Jews, Italians, Chinese, African-Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Mexicans.

    They offer a complete history of the Colonial period ofAmerican history, a period lost to students today, who are led to believeAmerican history begins with the US Constitution. Rothbard's ambition was to shed new light on Colonial history and show that the struggle for human liberty was the heart and soul of this land from its discovery through the culminating event of the American Revolution. These volumes are a tour de force, enough to establish Rothbard as one of the great American historians. Although a detailed narrative history of the struggle between liberty andpower, Rothbard offers a third alternative to the conventional interpretivedevices. Against those on the right who see the American Revolution as a"conservative" event, and those on the left who want to invoke it as somesort of proto-socialist uprising, Rothbard views this period as a time ofaccelerating libertarian radicalism. Through this prism, Rothbardilluminates events as never before. The volumes were brought out in the 1970s, but the odd timing and unevendistribution prevented any kind of large audience. They were beloved only by a few specialists, and sought after by many thanks to their outstandingreputation. The Mises Institute is pleased to be the publisher of the newlyavailable set. Volume One covers the discovery of the Americas and the colonies in the 17th century (531 pages, including index). Volume Two covers the period of "salutary neglect" in the first half of the18th century (294 pages, including index). Volume Three covers the advance to revolution, from 1760-1775 (373 pages, including index). Volume Four covers the political, military, and ideological history of therevolution and after (470 pages, including index). ABOUT THE AUTHOR:Murray N. Rothbard (1926-1995) distinguished himself as an economist, writing a major treatise on theory, several important economic histories, and a highly praised history of economic thought. But he was also known as the pioneer thinker of libertarianism, the political philosophy that roots freedom in private property ownership and decries the state as inherently contrary to the ethics of a free society. Writing from this perspective, he gained a reputation as the most provocative and influential contributor to the anarchist tradition in our century.

    

    First published in France in 1975, it is the major theoretical work of one of the foremost thinkers in Europe today.This is one of the most original and important works of contemporary European thought. First published in France in 1975, it is the major theoretical work of one of the foremost thinkers in Europe today.Castoriadis offers a brilliant and far-reaching analysis of the unique character of the social-historical world and its relations to the individual, to language, and to nature. He argues that most traditional conceptions of society and history overlook the essential feature of the social-historical world, namely that this world is not articulated once and for all but is in each case the creation of the society concerned. In emphasizing the element of creativity, Castoriadis opens the way for rethinking political theory and practice in terms of the autonomous and explicit self-institution of society.

    Countless authors have sung its praises. Aside from splendid surroundings, unlimited library and secretarial assistance, and a ready supply of varied scholars to consult at a moment's notice, what the center offers is to leave the scholar to his own devices, for good or ill. Would that all men had such wisdom. The final version was consummated with the aid of a grant from the Social Sciences Grants Subcommittee of the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research of McGill University.

    The three-volume novel The Aesthetics of Resistance is the crowning achievement of Peter Weiss, the internationally renowned dramatist best known for his play Marat/Sade. The first volume, presented here, was initially published in Germany in 1975; the third and final volume appeared in 1981, just six months before Weiss’s death. Spanning the period from the late 1930s to World War II, this historical novel dramatizes antifascist resistance and the rise and fall of proletarian political parties in Europe. Living in Berlin in 1937, the unnamed narrator and his peers—sixteen- and seventeen-year-old working-class students—seek ways to express their hatred for the Nazi regime. They meet in museums and galleries, and in their discussions they explore the affinity between political resistance and art, the connection at the heart of Weiss’s novel. Weiss suggests that meaning lies in embracing resistance, no matter how intense the oppression, and that we must look to art for new models of political action and social understanding. The novel includes extended meditations on paintings, sculpture, and literature. Moving from the Berlin underground to the front lines of the Spanish Civil War and on to other parts of Europe, the story teems with characters, almost all of whom are based on historical figures. The Aesthetics of Resistance is one of the truly great works of postwar German literature and an essential resource for understanding twentieth-century German history.

    A simple idea with profound revolutionary consequences. If the workers of the world are not all in the factory, and are not all men, where does that leave us?

    . . Against a background of motels and all-night cafés and strikes, the high relief in which the characters stand out is truly fascinating. Jacques Levy’s biography of Chavez has unforgettable descriptive passages and fine photographs.” —The NationMexican-American civil rights and labor activist Cesar Chavez (1927–1993), comes to life in this vivid portrait of the charismatic and influential fighter who boycotted supermarkets and took on corporations, the government, and the powerful Teamsters Union. Jacques E. Levy gained unprecedented access to Chavez and the United Farm Workers Union in writing this account of one of the most successful labor movements in history which can also serve as a guidebook for social and political change.“[The] definitive work. The book’s major contribution lies in its portrait of the man himself—deeply religious in an almost mystical fashion; a dedicated battler, but not a dedicated hater; a leader who not only will not ask, but will not allow his followers to make the sacrifices he has made.” —Publishers Weekly“One of the heroic figures of our time.” —Senator Robert F. KennedyJacques E. Levy (1927–2004), a prize-winning journalist, spent six years with Cesar Chavez researching and writing this book.Fred Ross Jr. is a spokesperson for the Service Employees’ International Union and the son of Fred Ross, Chavez’s mentor.Jacqueline Levy is the daughter of Jacques E. Levy and a high school science teacher in Sonoma County, California.

    In a courageous investigation, Antony Sutton establishes tangible historical links between US capitalists and Russian communists. Drawing on State Department files, personal papers of key Wall Street figures, biographies and conventional histories, Sutton reveals: the role of Morgan banking executives in funneling illegal Bolshevik gold into the US; the co-option of the American Red Cross by powerful Wall Street forces; the intervention by Wall Street sources to free the Marxist revolutionary Leon Trotsky, whose aim was to topple the Russian government; the deals made by major corporations to capture the huge Russian market a decade and a half before the US recognized the Soviet regime; and, the secret sponsoring of Communism by leading businessmen, who publicly championed free enterprise. "Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution" traces the foundations of Western funding of the Soviet Union. Dispassionately, and with overwhelming documentation, the author details a crucial phase in the establishment of Communist Russia. This classic study - first published in 1974 and part of a key trilogy - is reproduced here in its original form. (The other volumes in the series include "Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler" and a study of Franklin D. Roosevelt's "1933 Presidential election in the United States").

    Each has its own concern: the first with theoretical understanding, and with human conduct in general; the second with an ideal mode of human relationship which the author has called civil association; and the third with that ambiguous, historic association commonly called a modern European state. Running through the work is Professor Oakshott's belief in philosophical reflection as an adventure: the adventure of one who seeks to understand in other terms what he already understands, and where the understanding is sought is a disclosure of the conditions of the understanding enjoyed and nota substitute for it. Its most appropriate expression is an essay, which, he writes, does not dissemble the conditionality of the conclusions it throws up and although it may enlighten it does not instruct.

    In his gripping, now-classic history of war journalism, Phillip Knightley shows just how right Johnson was. From William Howard Russell, who described the appalling conditions of the Crimean War in the Times of London, to the ranks of reporters, photographers, and cameramen who captured the realities of war in Vietnam, The First Casualty tells a fascinating story of heroism and collusion, censorship and suppression.Since Vietnam, Knightley reveals, governments have become much more adept at managing the media, as highlighted in chapters on the Falklands War, the Gulf War, and the conflict between NATO and Serbia over Kosovo. And in a new chapter on the post-9/11 wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, Knightley details even greater degrees of government manipulation and media complicity, as evidenced by the "embedding" of reporters in military units and the uncritical, openly patriotic coverage of these conflicts. "The age of the war correspondent as hero," he concludes, "appears to be over." Fully updated, The First Casualty remains required reading for anyone concerned about freedom of the press, journalistic responsibility, and the nature of modern warfare.

    Shattering a half-century of silence, From Under the Rubble constitutes a devastating attack on the Soviet regime, a moral indictment of the liberal West, and a Christian manifesto calling for a new society — one whose dominant values would be spiritual rather than economic. Personally edited by the Nobel Prize-winning author, fired by his own substantial contributions, From Under the Rubble articulates Solzhenitsyn’s most fervent call to action. His daring, and the remarkable courage of his colleagues, is testament to the seriousness of their demand for a revolution in which one does not kill one’s enemies, but in which “one puts oneself in danger for the sake of the nation!” With an introduction by Max Hayward, and translated under the direction of Michael Scammell. The contributors: Alexander Solzhenitsyn, Mikhail Agursky, Evgeny Barabanov, Vadim Borisov, F. Korsakov, A.B., Igor Shafarevich.

    Includes A Summary View of the Rights of British America and Notes on the State of Virginia complete; seventy-nine letters; "Response to the Citizens of Albemarle," 1790; "Opinion on the Constitutionality of a National Bank," 1791; and many other writings.

    hegemony in world affairs, also taking a close look at the multi-national corporation and how it was "spreading the wealth" and therefore future economic and political power. The multi-national corporation is also looked at as a player in global dynamics between different nation-states.

    Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, Benjamin F. Wade, and Zachariah Chandler are the central figures in Mr. Trefousse's study of the Radical Republicans who steered a course between the extreme abolitionists on the one hand and the more cautious gradualists on the other, as they strove to break the slaveholder's domination of the federal government andthen to wrest from the postbellum South an acknowledgment of the civil rights of the Negro. The author delineates their key role in founding the Republican party and follows their struggle to keep the party firm in its opposition to the expansion of slavery, to commit it to emancipation, and finally to make it the party of racial justice.     This is the story as well of the tangled relationship of the Radical Republicans with Abraham Lincoln—a relationship of both quarrels and mutual support. The author stresses the similarity between Lincoln's ultimate aims and those of the Radical Republicans, demonstrating that without Lincoln's support Sumner and his colleagues could never have accomplished their ends—and that without their help Lincoln might not have succeeded in crushing the rebellion and putting an end to the slavery. And he argues that by 1865 Lincoln's Reconstruction policies were nearing those of the Radicals and that, had he lived, they would not have broken with him as they did with his successor.     Lincoln's assassination left the Radicals with no means to translate their demands into effective action. Their efforts to remake the South in such a way as to secure justice for the Negro brought them into conflict with President Johnson, in whose impeachment they played a leading role. Although they succeeded in initiating congressional Reconstruction and adding the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the Constitution, the Radicals lost power after the failure of the Johnson impeachment. Mr. Trefousse shows how, despite their declining influence throughout the 1870s, their accomplishments helped make possible—a century later—the resumption of the struggle for civil rights.

    In the Soviet Union alone it has run into eighty-five editions totalling two and a half million copies. The name of this distinguished educator, who broke new ground in pedagogics, is familiar to the English reader. Translations of his books The Road to Life (in three volumes), Learning to Live, and A Book for Parents have been published in English by the Foreign Languages Publishing House in Moscow. The object of the present book is to acquaint the reader more fully with the life and remarkable work of this Knight of Education. The volume is in two sections. The first opens with a short biographical sketch of Makarenko by Academician Medinsky, a leading personality in Soviet education. This is followed by stories and reminiscences by people who knew Makarenko closely -his wife and great friend Galina Stakhiyevna, the colonists' patron Maxim Gorky, and numerous ex-pupils of the Colony, themselves the chief characters in the books The Road to Life and Learning to Live. In the second section Makarenko speaks to the readers himself. He discusses his pedagogical experience and practice, gives his views on education, quotes numerous interesting examples from his own practice, gives advice to parents, and answers questions from listeners and readers. This collection, based on the numerous publications dealing with Makarenko issued in the Russian language, has been prepared for the press with the co-operation of the late Galina Stakhiyevna Makarenko.

    Honors the 70th anniversary of women's suffrage. Photos.

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    Serge had direct access to Trotsky's personal archives.

    This book by British socialist Tony Cliff (1917-2000) traces the building of that party and, in particular, the work of its main architect, Lenin.

    

    Gaylor spares no one in her trenchant analysis of where the responsibility lies for the suffering, degradation and death caused by anti-abortion laws.

    This book brings the discussion into a realm where the time span is considerable and the documentation is vast--the formation of national states in western Europe.Through a series of essays on major state-making activities, the authors ask what processes and preconditions brought powerful national states, rather than some other form of political organization, into a dominant position in western Europe.The essays compare the experience of major European states between 1500 and 1900 with respect to war-making, policing, taxation, control of food supply, and recruitment and training of professionals and officials. The aim is to determine how well that experience fits available models of political change, especially ideas of political development.

    

    

    

    

    

    

    

    

    

    The authors also reveal the disturbing continuation of the dangerous adversary games that nations play.

    Controversy was then tearing the Labour Party apart and he felt that, if no one kept a chronicle of it, future historians would be unable to piece together any coherent picture of what went on inside the Bevan group at that time.In 1960 Bevan died, and three years later so did the Party leader, Hugh Gaitskell. Crossman helped Harold Wilson to gain the leadership and, within a year, the Party found itself once again in office, with Crossman a Cabinet member at the Ministry of Housing. At this point the diary was to become all the more exhilarating and valuable.'About this job I knew practically nothing,' Crossman writes. 'Indeed, the only preparations I had made which were of any use were those that concerned my diary. Jennie Hall, my secretary, agreed to become my archivist and to look after the tapes on which it would be dictated each weekend at my home in North Oxfordshire. Transcription of the tapes for obvious security reasons would not be attempted till later in the life of the Government. I was aware when I made these arrangements that if I could achieve a continuous record of my whole Ministerial life, dictated while the memory was still hot and uncorrupted by "improvements", this part of the diary would become of quite special historical value . . . I realized the interest of a diary which gave a daily picture of how a Minister of the Wilson Government spent his time.'From the vantage point of the Housing ministry, then as Lord President of the Council and finally as Secretary of State for Health and Social Security, Crossman recorded, with the keen observer's eye of a former Oxford don, more than a million and a half words over a period of six years. Acutely aware of the trap of self-deception about his own motives and of the need to avoid distortion through compression, Crossman is always alive to the illuminating insight to be gained from a faithful record of the shifting relationship s between colleagues and adversaries in public life. His diaries, of which this is the first volume of three Cabinet diaries that are planned, provide in all a fascinating view of the working of high state office as well as an entertaining and at times controversial record of the Wilson administration of 1964-70. Here, indeed, is a unique contribution to the history of government in Britain in this or any other century.

    The major works represented include Memoirs of a Revolutionist; Mutual Aid; The Great French Revolution; and Fields, Factories, and Workshops.

    Linked to the award-winning tv series, this book chronicles the story of the Adams political family over a 150-year span, including John Adams (signer of the Declaration, accomplished diplomat & 2nd President), his wife Abigail Adams, his son John Quincy Adams (Secretary of State, 6th President & abolitionist Congressman), grandson Charles Francis Adams, congressman & ambassador to Great Britain during the Civil War, & much-heralded members of the 4th generation Henry Brooks Adams, the historian & author of the novel Democracy, & Charles Francis Adams II, the industrialist.

    Insistence on a separate Muslim political identity led eventually to the foundation of Pakistan and many of the troubles which have beset the area since Independence. The separate Muslim front in Indian politics was led and supported mainly by men from the United Provinces. The first period of effective separatist politics ended in 1923. This book examines the circumstances in which the separate Muslim front was built up and crumbled away in this period, and then analyses the different groups which at various times supported it. Dr Robinson argues that Muslim separatism was fostered by the political needs of the British, of the Muslims and of the Indian National Congress.

    Few readers will not be surprised and impressed by the richness of the philosophical discussion of politics in this century. This book will be welcomed by the unguided explorer, and for offering a critical discussion which will stimulate those already familiar with the work of these philosophers.

    

    It is "must" reading for every responsible citizen and student of the political processes that affect our lives and futures.

    

    A collection of three articles by Engels on Marx.Marx's Discoverys.A speech made by Engels at the graveside of Karl Marx.A letter from Engels to Sorge concerning Marx's death.