Board of Education. Thomas Sowell takes a tough, factual look at what has actually happened over these decades -- as distinguished from the hopes with which they began or the rhetoric with which they continue, Who has gained and who has lost? Which of the assumptions behind the civil rights revolution have stood the test of time and which have proven to be mistaken or even catastrophic to those who were supposed to be helped?

    Martin Luther King, Jr., this essential volume includes more than 120 quotations from the greatest civil rights leader's speeches, sermons, and writings. Selected and introduced by Coretta Scott King, this book helps keep the dream alive by focusing on seven areas of the Nobel Peace Prize winner's concern: the community of man, racism, civil rights, justice and freedom, faith and religion, nonviolence, and peace.

    Thomas Jefferson, a brilliant political thinker, is perhaps best known for the Declaration of Independence, but he was a man of extraordinarily wide interests.He was exceptionally controversial in his own time, and many of his ideas remain the subject of national debate. In his arguments for a system of general education, for local rather than central authority, for caution in international affairs, for religious and intellectual freedom, and for economic and social justice, Jefferson defined the issues that still direct our national political life centuries after the nation's formation. This volume will give readers the opportunity to reassess one of our most influential presidents.Jefferson's First Inaugural Address is a resounding statement of faith in a democracy of enlightened people. His Notes on the State of Virginia (1785) is an invaluable record of the landscape, inhabitants, life, and daily customs of America in the Revolutionary and early national eras. His letters, more than two hundred and fifty of which are gathered here, are brilliant urbane missives to such men as Patrick Henry, Thomas Paine, Lafayette, John Adams and James Madison. His slim Autobiography (1821), written "for my own more ready reference, and for the information of my family," hardly hints at the influence and impact he had as Secretary of State under George Washington, Minister to France, opposition-party Vice President to John Adams, and, after leaving the presidency, founder of the University of Virginia.His public papers and addresses fully demonstrate both the breadth of his interests and the power of his expressive mind. Extensively read (his personal library of ten thousand volumes became the foundation of the Library of Congress) and widely traveled, Jefferson wrote with ease and spontaneity about science, archaeology, botany and gardening, religion, literature, architecture, education, the habits of his fellow citizens, and, of course, his beloved home, Monticello.Jefferson's prose has an energy, clarity, and charming off-handedness, consistent with his conviction that style in writing should impose no barrier between the most educated and the most common reader. For those who want a renewed sense of the opportunity for human freedom that the United States represented to its founders, this is an indispensable book.

    Containing just the twentieth-century chapters from Howard Zinn's bestselling A People's History of the United States, this revised and updated edition includes two new chapters -- covering Clinton's presidency, the 2000 Election, and the "war on terrorism."Highlighting not just the usual terms of presidential administrations and congressional activities, this book provides you with a "bottom-to-top" perspective, giving voice to our nation's minorities and letting the stories of such groups as African Americans, women, Native Americans, and the laborers of all nationalities be told in their own words.

    It is the account of five ordinary Israelis, selected to vanish into "the cold" of espionage secrecy -- their mission to hunt down and kill the PLO terrorists responsible for the massacre of eleven Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics in 1972. This is the account of that secret mission, as related by the leader of the group -- the first Mossad agent to come out of "deep cover" and tell the story of a heroic endeavor that was shrouded in silence and speculation for years. He reveals the long and dangerous operation whose success was bought at a terrible cost to the idealistic volunteer agents themselves. "Avner" was the leader of that team, handpicked by Golda Meir to avenge the monstrous crime of Munich. He and his young companions, cut off from any direct contact with Israel, set out systematically to find and kill the central figures of the PLO's Munich operation, tracking them down wherever they lived. The mechanics, the horror, the day-by-day suspense of what they did surpass by far anything John le Carré or Robert Ludlum could imagine, as they themselves were tracked in turn (and some killed) by PLO assassins, changing identities constantly, moving from country to country, devoting their young lives to the brutal task of vengeance. Vengeance is a profoundly human document, a real-life espionage classic that plunges the reader into the shadow world of terrorism and political murder. But it goes far beyond that, to explore firsthand the feelings of disgust and doubt that gradually came to torment each member of the Israeli team, and that in the end inexorably changed their view of the mission -- and themselves. Vengeance opens a window onto a secret world, a book that at the same time inspires and horrifies. For its subject is an act of revenge that goes to the very heart of the ancient biblical questions of good and evil.

    Therefore, when the religion of a people is weakened, so also is its morality undermined. The result is a progressive collapse of law and order, and the breakdown of society.Men, though, see law as a limitation on their liberty, and Christianity is held to be the most restrictive with its emphasis upon Biblical law as the foundation for morality and liberty. Humanistic man wants total liberty, but he does not realize that total liberty leads only to total anarchy, and that leads to the death of law and liberty. Unless every man’s liberty is limited by law, no liberty is possible for any one.In this concise volume, R. J. Rushdoony expounds on the central themes of the application of Biblical law to every area of life. This book is a great starting point to understanding Rushdoony’s larger expositions on Biblical law.

    President while he held office. With new photos and all new supporting materials, the original work by President Reagan shines with a timeless, poetic beauty. At a time when concerted efforts are being made to excise President Reagan's legacy from history, his prophetic view of the sanctity of human life, and his commitment to the "integrity of the human person" stands as a beacon of moral leadership. Contributions from Wanda Franz, Ph.D., President of the National Right to Life Committee; Brian P. Johnston, California Commissioner on Aging; and the Honorable William Clark, Chief of Staff to then-Governor Reagan, National Security Advisor to the President, Secretary of the Interior, and the man whom Edmund Morris, official Reagan biographer, called, "the most important member of both Reagan administrations, and the man spiritually closest to the President."

    It reflected two perspectives, the thoughts of the social historian, and the commentary of the political theorist and social activist among African-Americans in the post-1975 period. This book elaborates and expands these theories in light of the developments that have occurred in the 1980s.

    

    Palkhivala's mordant wit runs like a silver thread through the book, making it compelling reading..

    The book offers useful methods for overcoming these obstacles. It draws on history and uses Samurai and Zen techniques and other inspirational material to help the reader devise strategies for facing and overcoming opponents and achieving a better life.

    Three eminent scientists analyze the scientific, social, and political roots of biological determinism.

    It is one of the only scholarly works on the subject, but has proven widely accessible. Halbrook traces the origins of the Second Amendment back to ancient Greece and Rome, and then through the “freemen” movement in 18th-century England and France. He demonstrates that the framers of the Constitution were conscious of such history when they drafted the Second Amendment, and that the Second Amendment was clearly intended to allow possession of firearms not just for defense of personal life and property but also to prevent government infringement of human liberties. His meticulous, thorough scholarship demonstrates that the right to bear arms is as fundamental a right under the Constitution as freedom of speech and freedom of religion.

    I am what you may call a "defector" from the USSR, and I have a message for you: I love you very much. I love all of you-- liberals and conservatives, "decadent capitalists" and "oppressed masses," blacks and whites and browns and yellows, rednecks and intellectuals. For me you are the people who created a unique nation, country and society in the history of mankind,-- by no means a perfect one, but, let's face it-- the most free, affluent and just in today's world.I am not alone in this love. People all over the Earth, whether they praise America or bitterly criticize her, look upon you as the only hope for mankind's survival and the last stronghold of freedom. Some may not think in these idealistic terms, but they certainly enjoy the fruits of your civilization, often forgetting to be grateful for them. Millions of people in the so-called "socialist camp" or in the "Third World" literally owe their lives to America.

    Defining folly as the pursuit by governments of policies contrary to their own interests, despite the availability of feasible alternatives, Tuchman details four decisive turning points in history that illustrate the very heights of folly in government: the Trojan War, the breakup of the Holy See provoked by Renaissance Popes, the loss of the American colonies by Britain's George III & the USA's persistent folly in Vietnam. THE MARCH OF FOLLY brings the people, places & events of history alive for today's reader.

    

    Those mainstream historians might deride Rothbard's history as a "conspiracy" approach, Rothbard himself is only out to show that world affairs are not random historical forces but the consequence of choices and paths chosen by real human beings. The contents of this volume include:Wall Street, Banks, and American Foreign PolicyAppendix I: The Treaty that Wall Street WroteAppendix II: Who's Who for the Canal TreatyAfterwordASIN B0006QGUJS 100 pp. (pb)

    She lived under virtual house arrest & was forbidden to address public gatherings or meet with more than one person at a time. She endured a forced separation of 27 years from her husband, Nelson Mandela. Here, in interviews & letters, she tells the story of her life & political development.A Tribute to Nomzamo Winnie Mandela/Bishop Manas Buthelezi My Little Siberia: Banished to Brandfort When My Father Taught Me History I Began to Understand: Growing up in the Countryside (Pondoland) Life with Him was Always a Life without Him: Meeting Nelson Mandela I Always Waited for that Sacred Knock: Life UndergroundHe was a Pillar of Strength to Me: Being Alone No Human Being Can Go On Taking those Humiliations without Reaction: In Prison We Couldn't Stop Our Children: The Soweto Uprising, 1976The Chapter of Dialogue is Finally Closed: The Political Situation Part of My Soul Went with Him: Visits to Robben Island & PollsmoorFreedom CharterWinnie Mandela's Banning OrderConditions of Visit to Nelson Mandela on Robben IslandConditions with which Winnie Mandela Had to Comply to Travel from Brandfort to Robben Island & Back

    Collected here are Althusser’s most significant philosophical writings from the late sixties and through the seventies. Intended to contribute, in his own words, to a ‘left-wing critique of Stalinism that would help put some substance back into the revolutionary project here in the West’, they are the record of a shared history. At the same time they chart Althusser’s critique of the theoretical system unveiled in his own major works, and his developing practice of philosophy as a ‘revolutionary weapon’.The collection opens with two lucid early articles - "Theory, Theoretical Practice and Theoretical Formation" and "On Theoretical Work." The title piece - Althusser’s celebrated lectures in the "Philosophy Course for Scientists" — is the fullest exploration of his new definition of philosophy as politics in the realm of theory, a conception which is further developed in "Lenin and Philosophy." "Is it Simple to be a Marxist in Philosophy?" provides an invaluable account of Althusser’s intellectual development. The volume concludes with two little-known late pieces - "The Transformation of Philosophy," in which the paradoxical history of Marxist philosopher is investigated; and "Marxism today," a sober balance-sheet of the Marxist tradition. Attesting to the unique place that Althusser has occupied in modern intellectual history - between a tradition of Marxism that he sought to reconstruct, and a "post-Marxism" that has eclipsed its predecessor - these texts are indispensable reading.

    She draws data from twenty years of public documents and newspaper accounts, as well as over two hundred interviews with both pro-life and pro-choice activists. She argues that moral positions on abortion are intimately tied to views on sexual behavior, the care of children, family life, technology, and the importance of the individual.

    

    Rosa Parks, weary after a long day at work, refused to give up her bus seat to a white man…and ignited the explosion that was the civil rights movement in America. In this powerful saga, Morris tells the complete story behind the ten years that transformed America, tracing the essential role of the black community organizations that was the real power behind the civil rights movement. Drawing on interviews with more than fifty key leaders, original documents, and other moving firsthand material, he brings to life the people behind the scenes who led the fight to end segregation, providing a critical new understanding of the dynamics of social change. “An important addition to our knowledge of the strategies of social change for all oppressed peoples.” —Reverend Jesse Jackson“A benchmark study…setting the historical record straight.” —The New York Times Book Review

    It recognises that the only changes which effectively transform the lives of poor people are those in which they have been active participants and focuses on five issues which have become more and more prominent in the concerns of communities throughout the world: the environment; gender and development; ethnic and racial conflict; intercultural understanding; building participatory governance. Each section contains a rich selection of relevant material designed to stimulate interest and debate, including simulations, real life stories, telling statistics, news articles and poetry and drama from local communities. The authors have drawn on their direct experience of working on community development programmes in South Africa and the USA, as well as feedback from many other countries where the Training for Transformation approach has been adopted. Training for Transformation Book 4 will be ideal for adult education workers, social workers, community development workers, church workers and trade union educators, and all organizations and individuals concerned with the process of transforming society.

    

    

    This is an essential essay for a critical understanding of nationalism.The idea that an understanding of the genocide, that a memory of the holocausts, can only lead people to want to dismantle the system, is erroneous. The continuing appeal of nationalism suggests that the opposite is true-er, namely that an understanding of genocide has led people to mobilize genocidal armies, that the memory of holocausts has led people to perpetrate holocausts. --from the pamphlet

    Ed. by Philip S. Foner; Foreword by Angela Y. Davis. Index. Notes. Illustrations.

    From the early Labour movement's support for the Aliens Act 1905, the Left's inability to stem the influence of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion to the antisemitism that rears its ugly head in social justice organisations, the Labour Party and among anti-Zionists – he charts it all. He wrote, “It is intolerable that the socialist movement has never been prepared to look at its antisemitism in a self-critical way.” This one book changes that.The Left antisemitism which worried Cohen – which inspired him to write this polemic – was not just wrong but a threat to the political Left itself. He knew that it could go mainstream on the Left if it was not defeated on the fringes. He fought this battle within the socialist Left because he knew, even then, that it was important. Written in 1984, it still resonates today. The issue of antisemitism in Jeremy Corbyn's Labour Party only increase its relevance and makes it a "must read" book for anyone wanting to learn more, and, maybe even, take action.

    In analyzing British failures in the region during the zenith of their power and influence, Mr. Kedourie attributes much of Britain's faulty and disastrous handling of Middle East problems to what he calls "the Chatham House version." It was a view of Middle Eastern history and politics propounded and propagated in the various publications of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (known popularly as Chatham House), written or edited by Arnold Toynbee. The episodes that Mr. Kedourie investigates show "successive and cumulative manifestations of illusion, misjudgment, maladroitness, and failure." Together they point up hard lessons for the Bush administration or any outside power that would intervene in Middle Eastern affairs. "No better guide...can be found to the pitfalls awaiting those who seek to control the Middle East to their own advantage."--Asian Affairs "These twelve studies in the modern history of the Middle East [form] the most learned book, the most demanding therefore of rethinking, that has come out on the Middle East for many years, and anyone who in the future writes on any Middle Eastern subject, from any point of view, without consulting it, will do so at his or her grave peril."--London Telegraph

    

    

    

    

    

    Collected here for the first time art articles detailing Marcy's penetrating analysis of the social/economic causes of war, and her libertarian socialist perspective on the struggle against war. Largely because of the articles in this book, the International Socialist Review was suppressed by the US government in 1918. As a summary of the revolutionary Marxist view of war, You Have No Country! is unexcelled. Written three quarters of a century ago, Marcy's hard-hitting critique is still as fresh as today's headlines. Edited and introduced by Franklin Rosemont.

    

    17Ludwig von Mises, The Anti-Capitalistic Mentality (South Holland, ...

    Follow him on his wild and hilarious campaign odyssey through the back roads of Louisiana politics and past federal investigators, ward-healing preachers, nervous bodyguards, and high-rolling pols and pretenders, all scrambling for a place on the Last Hayride.

    

    

    A Remnant Reprint

    A story of brutal exploitation, massacres, and judicial murder - and how the largely European immigrant workforce fought back. The Molly Maguires, propaganda by the deed, Haymarket, Homestead, the Wobblies, Mooney-Billings, Sacco & Vanzetti, and much, much more. "DYNAMITE! Of all the good stuff, that is the stuff! Stuff several pounds of this sublime stuff into an inch pipe...plug up both ends, insert a cap with a fuse attatched, place this in the immediate vicinity of a lot of rich loafers who live by the sweat of other people's brows, and light the fuse. A most cheerful and gratifying result will follow. In giving dynamite to the downtrodden millions of the globe science has done its best work..." (from 'Alarm', 21 February 1885]

    Matthews's Jefferson emerges as America's first and foremost advocate of permanent revolution, a democratic communitarian, and an anti-market theorist. This interpretation has been suggested in the past, but seldom has it been argued so persuasively or so intensely.It is Matthews's intent to extricate Jefferson from the myths that surround, envelop, and ultimately distort him. The interpretation of Jefferson's idea of democracy presented here could spark new thinking about contemporary democracy.

    

    It also demonstrates his essential consistency of purpose: from his sharp denunciation of the first Moscow Trial in 1936, through his resistance to the Cold War tides of the fifties, to his sober analysis of the Chinese Cultural Revolution in 1966. His fidelity to the Marxist method and firm grasp of socialist history allowed him to penetrate to the core of events without ever falling into the blind apologetics or feverish disavowals that blighted so many left-wing intellectuals of his generation.Deutscher’s own origins in the Polish communist movement are here reflected in his famous interview on the tragedy of the Polish CP, while his major essay on bureaucracy is one of the few sustained attempts to grapple with this key theoretical and practical problem of the socialist movement.This volume is designed both as a lasting collection of some of Deutscher’s best-known and most powerful texts, and as an introduction for readers approaching his work for the first time. A specially written preface by Perry Anderson assesses this selection in relation to Deutscher’s overall achievement, and Tamara Deutscher’s introduction passes on to the reader the often fascinating personal background to certain of the essays.

    

    The first section of the book describes the flood tide of European expansion that began in the 16th century and united the world for thefirst time in a single economic strategic, and political unit. The second section analyzes the process whereby the non-European states came to take their place as members of the same society, while the third section examines the repudiation of European, Russian, and American domination by statesand peoples of the Third World, and the subsequent transition from a system based on European hegemony to one that is not. The book concludes with a discussion of the international order that has emerged from the ebb tide of European dominance.

    

    In a substantial new chapter, Gray assesses how far the historical development of the last ten years can be deployed in a critique of Hayek's thought. His reassessment is not only a provoking study of a classical philosopher. It is also a timely contribution to the debate over the future of conservatism, as Gray argues that Hayekian liberalism - 'the most well-articulated political theory of the new right' - is flawed.

    He analyzes the most recent recasting of Marxist political theories in continental Europe, the Third World, and the United States; sets the new theories in a context of past thinking about the State; and argues for the existence of a major shift in Marxist views.Originally published in 1984.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    Similarly, studies of birds, fish, amphibians, and invertebrates demonstrate egg and larval mortality in these species, a phenomenon directly analogous to infanticide in mammals. In this collection, Hausfater and Hrdy draw together work on animal and human infanticide and place these studies in a broad evolutionary and comparative perspective.Infanticide presents the theoretical background and taxonomic distribution of infanticide, infanticide in nonhuman primates, infanticide in rodents, and infanticide in humans. It examines closely sex allocation and sex ratio theory, surveys the phylogeny of mammalian interbirth intervals, and reviews data on sources of egg and larval mortality in a variety of invertebrate and lower vertebrate species. Dealing with infanticide in nonhuman primates, two chapters critically examine data on infanticide in langurs and its broader theoretical implications. By reviewing sources of infant mortality in populations of small mammals and new laboratory analyses of the causes and consequences of infanticide, this work explores such issues as the ontogeny of infanticide, proximate cues of infants and females which elicit infanticidal behavior in males, the genetical basis of infanticide, and the hormonal determinants.Hausfater and Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, through their selection of materials for this book, evaluate the frequency, causes, and function of infanticide. Historical, ethnographic, and recent data on infanticide are surveyed. "Infanticide" summarizes current research on the evolutionary origins and proximate causation of infanticide in animals and man. As such it will be indispensable reading for anthropologists and behavioral biologists as well as ecologists, psychologists, demographers, and epidemiologists.

    What ordinary guildsmen and townsmen thought about these issues can be gleaned from chronicles, charters, and reported slogans. But in tracing attitudes toward the guilds of early Germanic times to today's equivalent-trade unions-a distinction must be made between popular ethos and learned philosophy. In Europe, from the twelfth to the seventeenth centuries, the corporate organization of labor and of town-market communities developed side-by-side with the ideals of personal liberty, market freedom, and legal equality. Both affected the ideology of the European commune and city-state in specific and discernible ways. Self-governing labor organizations and civil freedom developed together as coherent practices. The values of mutual aid and craft honor on the one hand, and of personal freedom and legal equality on the other, formed the moral infrastructure of our civilization. Alternate ideals balanced, harmonized, and even cross-fertilized one another-as in the principle of freedom of association.Contrary to preconceptions, however, corporate values were seldom expressed philosophically in the Middle Ages. Political theory and the world of learning from the start emphasized liberal values. It was only after the Reformation that guild and communal values found expression in political theory. Even then only a few philosophers acknowledged that solidarity and exchange-the poles around which the values of guild and civil society, respectively, rotate-are not opposites but complementary, and attempted to weave these together into a texture as tough and complex as that of urban society itself. The Enlightenment and industrialization led to an apotheosis of liberal values. Guilds disappeared and were only in part replaced by labor unions; the values of market exchange have since been in the ascendant-though Hegel, Durkheim, and more recently, advocates of liberal corporatism maintain the possibility of a symbiosis between corporate and liberal values. In Guild and State there emerges an alternative history of political thought, which will be fascinating to the general as well as the specialist reader.

    

    

    

    

    In this comic novel of the Cold War, Dimitri, a young hero of the Russian Revolution and Kremlin spy is secretly smitten by the sirens of capitalism. His posting to the Soviet consulate in New York is a dream come true. The dream quickly becomes a nightmare. Dimitri’s Soviet boss despises him, his wife is obsessed with the unsocialist pursuit of a Bergdorf’s charge account, and his boyhood friend is now a CIA agent who stalks him. On Wall Street, he is plagued by his wild talent for making money in the stock market. His bosses in Red Square would find this difficult to overlook if they knew. And, as Dimitri fears, the old men of the Kremlin have a deadly habit of knowing everything sooner… or later.

    

    It is not enough that more people should believe or that those who believe should believe more strongly. Rather, the faith of persons and communities must be more compellingly related to the public arena. "The naked public square"--which results from the exclusion of popular values from the public forum--will almost certainly result in the death of democracy. The great challenge, says Neuhaus, is the reconstruction of a public philosophy that can undergird American life and America's ambiguous place in the world. To be truly democratic and to endure, such a public philosophy must be grounded in values that are based on Judeo-Christian religion. The remedy begins with recognizing that democratic theory and practice, which have in the past often been indifferent or hostile to religion, must now be legitimated in terms compatible with biblical faith. Neuhaus explores the strengths and weaknesses of various sectors of American religion in pursuing this task of critical legitimation. Arguing that America is now engaged in an historic moment of testing, he draws upon Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish thinkers who have in other moments of testing seen that the stakes are very high--for America, for the promise of democratic freedom elsewhere, and possibly for God's purpose in the world. An honest analysis of the situation, says Neuhaus, shatters false polarizations between left and right, liberal and conservative. In a democratic culture, the believer's respect for nonbelievers is not a compromise but a requirement of the believer's faith. Similarly, the democratic rights of those outside the communities of religious faith can be assured only by the inclusion of religiously-grounded values in the common life.The Naked Public Square does not offer yet another partisan program for political of social change. Rather, it offers a deeply disturbing, but finally hopeful, examination of Abraham Lincoln's century-old question--whether this nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure.

    The Hawke Ascendancy tells the story of the Labor Party's return to office in 1983 after its crushing defeat in 1975. It is the inside account of Bob Hawke, Malcolm Fraser, and Bill Hayden, and their unique power struggle. This definitive work deals with the personality clashes, policy achievements, and power struggles in both the Labor and Liberal parties. Hawke, alienated from his own party in 1975, finally broke down the doors of its opposition to him and became Labor's savior and one of Australia's most respected prime ministers. Fraser, invulnerable and all-powerful in 1975, eventually succumbed to external pressures and internal weakness. Hayden, an initially reluctant but then aggressive leader, took Labor to the very brink only to falter himself. And the ruthlessly ambitious John Howard was biding his time. In this first installment of his incisive and compelling analysis of modern Australian politics, Paul Kelly sketches the triumph and tragedy of individuals against the big issues of the era—economic management, resources development, and Australia's place in the world. The Hawke Ascendancy is, above all, a gripping inside account of how Australian politics really works.

    A widely heralded and much debated bestseller in Europe, Egalitarian Envy begins with the problem of the origin of evil. Is man by nature good, wicked, or simply fallen?“Egalitarian Envy is a brave and brilliant contribution to contemporary political theory by one of the seminal thinkers of our era, a work that confronts the most serious problems of modern political theory and challenges assumptions that are rarely examined by leaders in the free world.” —M.E. Bradford, From the Forward “Egalitarian Envy is an intelligent and imaginative book that freshly reconceives some familiar problems.” —Joseph Sobran National Review

    It integrates selections from the very finest new and classical works of political and economic analysis, by distinguished scholars, into a comprehensive overview of the American political system.

    America's foremost political cartoonist on the Reagan years in words and pictures--fourteen chapters illustrated with 490 cartoons by the tree-time Pulitzer Prize winner.

    No other recent synthesis, moreover, matches Bensel's theoretical rigor, shares his emphasis on economic issues, or so thoroughly explores the influence of sectionalism on the policy outputs of government.

    It also gives guidance on the historical context in which his thoughts were formed and invites inquiry into his many ideas. "This book can be highly recommended as one of the clearest and most concise introductions in English to the full range of Plato's dialogues and the ideas explored in them. While giving priority to a critical engagement with individual works, it also provides guidance on the historical context in which Plato's thinking developed."; Stephen Halliwell, University of St Andrews ;Christopher Rowe s Plato, ahead of its time when first published [in 1984] is highly welcome in a new reprint. From the start, Rowe establishes that the reader of Plato's dialogues encounters a challenging form of philosophy, one which demands both intellectual rigor and personal response, one which challenges the reader both to systematize the ideas in different dialogues and to do justice to them in their distinct dramatic settings. Rowe's Plato invites us to shared inquiry rather than deference to established positions, and this clear and subtle introduction will draw the beginner into fruitful engagement with Plato's many ideas."; Julia Annas, University of Arizona

    He is a retired Emeritus Professor of Sociology and Economics at the University of California, Santa Cruz.

    In the words of the author The daily journals of Paris and London, with few exceptions...affirm that Proudhon is an atheist and a madman, a Communist burning to plunder the wealthy, the living incarnation of immorality, disorder and folly...We propose...to explain the leading points of his philosophical and economical system.

    The two seminal essays, Jo Freeman's 'The Tyranny of Structurelessness' and Cathy Levine's 'The Tyranny of Tyranny', that marked the debates over small/unstructured or non-hierarchical group organisations that have been raging from the 1970s till today.

    

    Building on the success of the previous editions, the author has extended the introductory first chapter in to indclude more explanatory material on the policy process itself, what it is and how we can study it. The thoroughly revised chapter also now provides analysis of the ossies pf description and perscription so important to policy studies. With the main themes now firmly set up in the first chapter, the book provides more coherent analysis and evaluation of the policy process as a whole. Each chapter has been carefully revised and many have been partially or wholly rewritten to reflect the sing authorship of Michael Hill who has taken full responsility for the revision of this third edition. As in the past, The Policy Process in the Modern State, 3/e remains one of the most useful introductions to the policy process and sstructure of power in society.

    While sensitive to the specific events they describe, the authors provide analyses of broader contemporary issues--the sources of violence in an orderly society and the problems of democratic theory in an institutional setting.Narita Airport, the largest single government project in Japan, has been the scene of intense conflict over what might be called the unfinished business of Japan as number one. Since 1965, small groups of farmers have been fighting to protect their land, first from the bulldozers, then from the environmental damage of a modern airport. They were joined in the battle by militants from New Left sects, students, and other protesters representing peace, antinuclear, and antipollution issues. Using field observation, in-depth interviewing, and firsthand experience drawn from living in the "fortresses" surrounding the airport, the authors examine the conflict and violence that ensued. They describe the confrontations from the point of view of each group of participants, pinpointing weaknesses in the Japanese political and bureaucratic systems that prolonged and heightened the struggle: the lack of effective due process, inadequate consultative mechanisms outside elite circles, and the failure of local government to represent local issues.In a broad adaptation of their findings, David Apter and Nagayo Sawa show that the problems of the Narita situation are also endemic to other industrialized countries. Their discussion of violent protest in advanced societies explores how it evolves, who is caught up in it, and the ways that governments respond. Finally, they identify the limitations of contemporary social science theories in addressing in human terms such volcanic eruptions. To overcome these shortcomings they combine several approaches--structural, experiential, and functional--and devise alternative ways to enter the day-to-day lives of the people studied.Against the State in no way diminishes the magnitude of Japan's accomplishments. However, the authors find in the Narita protest evidence of that country's still unfelt need to address its most abstract and pressing moral concerns. Their book raises important questions about the nature of extra-institutional protest and authority in modern states.

    The contributors share a common concern at the implications of what they see as a wide-ranging attack on civil liberties. They look dispassionately at the nature of the videos in question: at the scientific research into their effects; at how the campaign against them was organised and orchestrated; at the history of such moral panics; and at the wider implications for artistic freedom and civil liberties in Britain.Contributors include Martin Barker, Nigel Andrews, Graham Murdoch, Geoffrey Pearson, Marco Starr and Brian Brown.

    

    This book draws on thoughts and writings from more than two millennia: poets from Sappho to Robert Lowell, dreamers from Saint John the Divine to Martin Luther King, Jr., statesmen from Seneca to Winston Churchill, soldiers, churchmen, writers, leaders. Along with them are mingled the voices of people who have faced appalling danger in their own lifetimes--an American schoolchild, a Hiroshima grocer, a plague survivor, a Turkish dissident. Human beings appear at their best and at their worst: as savage warriors, as helpless victims, as dupes of Nukespeak and warlike propaganda, and finally as individuals with the courage to say no. In a Dark Time will shock, warn, and ultimately inspire those many people who share the perception that humankind now stands on the brink of self-annihilation but who believe, with Theodore Roethke, that in a dark time, the eye begins to see.

    A collection of interviews with 11 of the nation's leading economic theorists providing an introduction to current issues in economic theory and to the ways in which economists think.

    At times outrageously funny, often angry, sometimes satirical, 'The Best of Nell' aims to be entertaining.

    He and his wife, Sally, had been accused of being communists by a small group of right-wing extremists. The Goldmarks sued their accusers for libel and when their case came to trial in the winter of 1963-64 it has become a cause celebre throughout the country.Witnesses of national reputation crossed the country to testify, the eastern press covered the case, and issues of civil liberties, the communist challenge to the values of American society, and the radical right movement were fought out before a rural jury. The charge that the American Civil Liberties Union was a communist front, among other issues, was litigated for the first time. Today the Goldmark trial can still tell us much about democracy, civil liberties, and trial by jury.William Dwyer was the Goldmarks' chief counsel. His gripping story of their nightmare and ultimate vindication is a classic of American trial court history. He provides a vivid picture of the political climate and its effect on everyone involved--plaintiffs, defendants, and counsel for both sides. In addition he gives us a fascinating description of the courtroom drama itself, revealed in the extensively quoted testimony, and a fascinating account of the way trial lawyers plan the strategy of a case: from jury selection, the questioning and cross-examination of witnesses, to final arguments.

    

    McKivigan employs both conventional and quantitative historical techniques to assess the positions adopted by various churches in the North during the growing conflict over slavery, and to analyze the stratagems adopted by American abolitionists during the 1840s and 1850s to persuade northern churches to condemn slavery and to endorse emancipation. Working for three decades to gain church support for their crusade, the abolitionists were the first to use many of the tactics of later generations of radicals and reformers who were also attempting to enlist conservative institutions in the struggle for social change.To correct what he regards to be significant misperceptions concerning church-oriented abolitionism, McKivigan concentrates on the effects of the abolitionists' frequent failures, the division of their movement, and the changes in their attitudes and tactics in dealing with the churches. By examining the pre-Civil War schisms in the Presbyterian, Baptist, and Methodist denominations, he shows why northern religious bodies refused to embrace abolitionism even after the defection of most southern members. He concludes that despite significant antislavery action by a few small denominations, most American churches resisted committing themselves to abolitionist principles and programs before the Civil War.In a period when attention is again being focused on the role of religious bodies in influencing efforts to solve America's social problems, this book is especially timely.

    With his train fare borrowed from several reporters, Wendell L. Willkie embarked for the 1940 Republican National Convention as a long-shot candidate for the presidency. Willkie confided that he did not have a campaign manager and that his headquarters were under his hat.On the eve of the Philadelphia convention, Hitler's armies conquered France and the Low Countries. For months, Willkie had been alerting Americans to their vulnerability to a fascist-controlled Europe. The leading contenders for the GOP nomination argued that the world war should not concern this country. But it did, and as the galleries chanted, "We want Willkie," the lifelong Democrat became the nominee of his adopted party.Although FDR feared Willkie as a political opponent, he described his nomination, he described his nomination as a godsend for its contribution to national unity. Willkie is best remembered as FDR's opponent, and it is as a dauntless campaigner that Steve Neal shows Willkie achieving national prominence.While defeated for the presidency, Willkie grew in stature, becoming an international figure as FDR's special envoy during World War II and as the spokesman of the One World philosophy that influenced U.S. foreign policy for a generation.Industrialist, presidential candidate, foreign emissary, bestselling author, and civil libertarian, Willkie brought a special and iconoclastic distinction to each of his careers. He was a man of compelling energy and driving force.Drawing on Willkie's private papers and recently declassified materials as well as interviews with his contemporaries, Steve Neal has written an illuminating portrait of a largely forgotten--and important--American hero.

    Sociologists Pat and Hugh Armstrong "hoped that enough would change in the nature and conditions of women's work that an entirely new book would be necessary, and [they] could abandon the old framework on the division of labour by sex. But [their] hopes have not been realized and a new edition not only seems useful, but overdue." The Double Ghetto surveys the work women do at home and on the job to analyze why work in this country is still segregated by sex. In the third edition, the authors devote new space to postmodernist theory and include new material on the differences between women emphasizing race, but including region and age. More attention is also given to the "casualization" of labour due to the dramatic expansion of part-time work. In easy-to-read language, The Double Ghetto explores a vital part of the socially structured life to Canadian women using the most up-to-date (1993) statistics and scholarly research available.

    It examines the constituents of development—cultural as well as political and economic—throughout the world from prehistory to the present. Peter Worsley first considers existing theories of development, synthesizing the Marxist approach with that of social anthropologists and identifying culture—in the sense of a shared set of values—as the key element missing in more traditional approaches to the sociology of development. Worsley then examines successive forms of rural organization, develops a new definition of the urban poor, considers the relation of ethnicity and nationalism to social class and to each other, and, finally, discusses the nature of the three worlds implied in the term Third World.

    Nathan Tarcov shows that Locke's neglected work Some Thoughts Concerning Education compares with Plato's Republic and Rousseau's Emile as a treatise on education embodying a comprehensive vision of moral and social life. Locke believed that the family can be the agency, not the enemy, of individual liberty and equality. Tarcov's superb reevaluation reveals to the modern reader a breadth and unity heretofore unrecognized in Locke's thought.

    

    This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. that were either part of the original artifact, or were introduced by the scanning process. We believe this work is culturally important, and despite the imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book.

    Haacke is determined to persuade the reader that museums, and the art world in general, are an industry and their product is consciousness. "Whether museums contend with governments, power-trips of individuals, or the corporate steamroller, they are in the business of molding and channeling consciousness. Even though they may not agree with the system of beliefs dominant at the time, their options not to subscribe to them and instead to promote an alternative consciousness are limited. The survival of the institution and personal careers are often at stake. But in non-dictatorial societies, the means of the production of consciousness are not all in one hand. The sophistication required to promote a particular interpretation of the work is potentially also available to question that interpretation and to offer other versions. As the need to spend enormous sums for public relations and government propaganda indicates, things are not frozen. Political constellations shift and unincorporated zones exist in sufficient numbers to disturb the mainstream."

    One of his assignments was to accompany journalists visiting the Soviet Union to make sure they did not discover the truth about Soviet life. After becoming disillusioned with the oppressive system, he escaped to the West at great risk to his life. In this interview, conducted by G. Edward Griffin, Mr. Bezmenov tells how the Soviets used propaganda against their own citizens; how he hoodwinked American journalists into publishing Soviet propaganda, how slave laborers are concealed from foreign visitors, and how he escaped to the West posing as an American hippie. Includes many photographs brought with him on microfilm at the time of his escape. Part 1: Life under Soviet Collectivism Part 2: Propaganda and Mind Control Part 3: Cultural Subversion and EscapeThe original 1985 release of this program was entitled Soviet Subversion of the Free-World Press. It provides insights to state propaganda that is as current as today’s newspaper. 90 minutes, DVD.