Every citizen of the United States, student of history anywhere in the world, or anyone interested in understanding who we are as a nation should have and study a copy of these works.

    Noam Chomsky is universally accepted as one of the preeminent public intellectuals of the modern era. Over the past thirty years, broadly diverse audiences have gathered to attend his sold-out lectures. Now, in Understanding Power, Peter Mitchell and John Schoeffel have assembled the best of Chomsky's recent talks on the past, present, and future of the politics of power. In a series of enlightening and wide-ranging discussions, all published here for the first time, Chomsky radically reinterprets the events of the past three decades, covering topics from foreign policy during Vietnam to the decline of welfare under the Clinton administration. And as he elucidates the connection between America's imperialistic foreign policy and the decline of domestic social services, Chomsky also discerns the necessary steps to take toward social change. With an eye to political activism and the media's role in popular struggle, as well as U.S. foreign and domestic policy, Understanding Power offers a sweeping critique of the world around us and is definitive Chomsky. Characterized by Chomsky's accessible and informative style, this is the ideal book for those new to his work as well as for those who have been listening for years.

    "A Problem from Hell" shows how decent Americans inside and outside government refused to get involved despite chilling warnings and tells the stories of the courageous Americans who risked their careers and lives in an effort to get the United States to act. A modern classic, "A Problem from Hell" has forever reshaped debates about American foreign policy.

    This decline has been more than an erosion. It has, in many cases, been a deliberate dismantling of American values and institutions by people convinced that their superior wisdom and virtue must over-ride both the traditions of the country and the will of the people.Whether these essays (originally published as syndicated newspaper columns) are individually about financial bailouts, illegal immigrants, gay marriage, national security, or the Duke University rape case, the underlying concern is about what these very different kinds of things say about the general direction of American society.This larger and longer-lasting question is whether the particular issues discussed reflect a degeneration or dismantling of the America that we once knew and expected to pass on to our children and grandchildren. There are people determined that this country's values, history, laws, traditions and role in the world are fundamentally wrong and must be changed. Such people will not stop dismantling America unless they get stopped—and the next election may be the last time to stop them, before they take the country beyond the point of no return.

    He begins by uncovering an original eyewitness account of the Boston Tea Party and demonstrates that it was provoked not by "taxation without representation" as is commonly suggested but by the specific actions of the East India Company, which represented the commericial interests of the British elite.Hartmann then describes the history of the Fourteenth Amendment--created at the end of the Civil War to grant basic rights to freed slaves--and how it has been used by lawyers representing corporate interests to extend additional rights to businesses far more frequently than to freed slaves. Prior to 1886, corporations were referred to in U.S. law as "artificial persons." but in 1886, after a series of cases brought by lawyers representing the expanding railroad interests, the Supreme Court ruled that corporations were "persons" and entitled to the same rights granted to people under the Bill of Rights. Since this ruling, America has lost the legal structures that allowed for people to control corporate behavior.As a result, the largest transnational corporations fill a role today that has historically been filled by kings. They control most of the world's wealth and exert power over the lives of most of the world's citizens. Their CEOs are unapproachable and live lives of nearly unimaginable wealth and luxury. They've become the rudder that steers the ship of much human experience, and they're steering it by their prime value--growth and profit and any expense--a value that has become destructive for life on Earth. This new feudalism was not what our Founders--Federalists and Democratic Republicans alike--envisioned for America.It's time for "we, the people" to take back our lives. Hartmann proposes specific legal remedies that could truly save the world from political, economic, and ecological disaster.

    Against the prevailing view that such violence is an instance of impenetrable madness, the book demonstrates that there is logic to it and that it has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, and cultures than currently believed. Kalyvas specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and individual civilians trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what opportunities their predicament affords them. Violence, he finds, is never a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats simple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the 'frontlines' of civil war.

    It is time now for the human race to hold still, to delve into its wells of collective wisdom, both ancient and modern.--Arundhati RoyThe Power of Nonviolence, the first anthology of alternatives to war with a historical perspective, with an introduction by Howard Zinn about September 11 and the U.S. response to the terrorist attacks, presents the most salient and persuasive arguments for peace in the last 2,500 years of human history. Arranged chronologically, covering the major conflagrations in the world, The Power of Nonviolence is a compelling step forward in the study of pacifism, a timely anthology that fills a void for people looking for responses to crisis that are not based on guns or bombs.Included are some of the most original thinkers about peace and nonviolence-Buddha, Scott Nearing, Henry David Thoreau's Civil Disobedience, Jane Addams, William Penn on the end of war, Dorothy Day's position on Pacifism, Erich Fromm, and Rajendra Prasad. Supplementing these classic voices are more recent advocates of peace: Albert Camus' Neither Victims Nor Executioners, A. J. Muste's impressive Getting Rid of War, Martin Luther King's influential Declaration of Independence from the War in Vietnam, and Arundhati Roy's War Is Peace, plus many others.

    . . "and to the wee puppet" . . . "one nation, and a vegetable" . . . What was that again? Children in the United States of America have been reciting the Pledge of Allegiance since 1892 - and for about that long, they’ve found its big words confusing. Now, beloved children’s book author Bill Martin Jr (BROWN BEAR, BROWN BEAR, WHAT DO YOU SEE?), fellow literacy expert Michael Sampson, and Caldecott Honor-winning artist Chris Raschka give America’s children a hand, and explain this patriotic poem once and for all. Written especially for children, the Pledge of Allegiance was first recited on October 12, 1892, by 12 million children across the country and has been memorized by generations of children ever since. Isn’t it time they understood the meaning behind its words?

    But now our world has changed irrevocably. What faces us in this era of fear and uncertainty? How do we protect ourselves against war machines that can penetrate the defenses of any state? Visionary and prophetic, The Shield of Achilles looks back at history, at the “Long War” of 1914-1990, and at the future: the death of the nation-state and the birth of a new kind of conflict without precedent.

    One of conservatism's most articulate voices dissects today's most important economic, racial, political, education, legal, and social issues, sharing his entertaining and thought-provoking insights on a wide range of contentious subjects.

    Collected for the first time in this volume are Mill's three seminal and most widely read works: "On Liberty, The Subjection of Women, and Utilitarianism," A brilliant defense of individual rights versus the power of the state, "On Liberty" is essential reading for anyone interested in political thought and theory. As Bertrand Russell reflected, "On Liberty remains a classic . . . the present world would be better than it is, if Mill's] principles were more respected." This Modern Library Paperback Classics edition includes newly commissioned endnotes and commentary by Dale E. Miller, and an index.

    In it he traces the sources of inspiration which formed his understanding of the world as a network of multiple and diverse relationships. You Are, Therefore I Am is in four parts. The first describes his memories of conversations with his mother, his teacher and his Guru, all of whom were deeply religious. The second part recounts his discussions with the Indian sage Vinoba Bhave, J. Krishnamurti, Bertrand Russell, Martin Luther King, and E. F. Schumacher. These five great activists and thinkers inspired him to engage with social, ecological and political issues. In the third part Satish narrates his travels in India, which have continued to nourish his mind and reconnect him with his roots.

    Linking multiculturalism to a distinctive political and religious context, the book argues that welfare-state democracy, unlike bourgeois liberalism, has rejected the once conventional distinction between government and civil society. Gottfried argues that the West's relentless celebrations of diversity have resulted in the downgrading of the once dominant Western culture. The moral rationale of government has become the consciousness-raising of a presumed majority population. While welfare states continue to provide entitlements and fulfill the other material programs of older welfare regimes, they have ceased to make qualitative leaps in the direction of social democracy. For the new political elite, nationalization and income redistributions have become less significant than controlling the speech and thought of democratic citizens. An escalating hostility toward the bourgeois Christian past, explicit or at least implicit in the policies undertaken by the West and urged by the media, is characteristic of what Gottfr

    The Constitution of the United States

    The book alerts readers to the challenges we face--from child labor to sweatshops, from global warming to destruction of the rain forests--and also spotlights the enormous courage and creativity of people working to set things right. This essential resource includes role plays, interviews, poetry, stories, background readings, and hands-on teaching tools. A winner of the World Hunger Year Media Award.

    This updated and revised Third Edition of the bestselling options book of all time gives you the latest market-tested tools for maximizing the earnings potential of your portfolio while reducing downside risk - no matter how the market is performing. Inside this expanded edition are scores of proven techniques and business-tested tactics for investing in many of the innovative new options products available. For example, you'll find buy and sell strategies for Long Term Equity Anticipation Securities (LEAPS); a thorough analysis of neutral trading, how it works, and various ways it can improve your overall profit picture; detailed guidance for investing in Preferred Equity Redemption Cumulative Stocks (PERCS> and how to hedge them with common and regular options; an extensive overview of futures and futures options; and much more. Written especially for investors who have some familiarity with the option market, this comprehensive reference also shows you the concepts and applications of various option strategies - how they work, in which situations, and why ... techniques for using index options and futures to protect your portfolio and improve your return ... and the implications of the tax laws for option writers, including allowable long-term gains and losses. In addition, detailed examples, exhibits, and checklists show you the power of each strategy under carefully described market conditions.

    With that move, they have talked themselves out of the ground of their own rights. But the irony is that they have made this transition without the least awareness, and indeed with a kind of serene conviction that they have been expanding constitutional rights. Since 1965, in the name of privacy and autonomy, they have unfolded, vast new claims of liberty, all of them bound up in some way with the notion of sexual freedom, and yet this new scheme of rights depends on a denial, at the root, of the premises and logic of natural rights. Hadley Arkes argues that the right to choose an abortion has functioned as the right that has shifted the political class from doctrines of natural right. The new right to choose overturned the liberal jurisprudence of the New Deal, and placed jurisprudence on a notably different foundation. And so even if there is a right to abortion, that right has been detached from the logic of natural rights and stripped of moral substance. As a consequence, the people who have absorbed these new notions of rights have put themselves in a position in which they can no longer offer a moral defense of any of their rights. Hadley Arkes is the Edward Ney Professor of American Institutions at Amherst College. He is the author of First Things (Princeton, 1986), Beyond the Constitution (Princeton, 1990), and The Reform Constitution (Princeton, 1994). He has been a contributor to First Things, the journal that took its name from his book of that title.

    Available now as a handsome quartet shrink-wrapped in a 4-colour case suitable for display. This collection of interviews and talks by Noam Chomsky is an ideal introduction to the man the New York Times called arguably the most important intellectual alive. In a lively, conversational style, Chomsky discusses a range of political issues from Central America to the Middle East, Aristotle to postmodernism. Here are a few excerpts: US forces inaugurated a brutal repression in Korea in 1945, using Japanese fascist police and Koreans who collaborated with them during the Japanese occupation. About a hundred thousand people were murdered in South Korea prior to what we call the Korean War. In 1970, about 90 per cent of international capital was used for trade and long-term investment - more or less productive things - and 10 per cent for speculation. Twenty years later, those figures had reversed. After World War II, many Nazis were spirited off to Latin America, often with help from the Vatican and fascist priests. There they taught Gestapo torture techniques to US-supported police states modelled, often quite openly, on the Third Reich.

    In this book--the first collection of essays representing social psychological perspectives on genocide and the Holocaust-- prominent social psychologists use the principles derived from contemporary research in their field to try to shed light on the behavior of the perpetrators of genocide. The primary focus of this volume is on the Holocaust, but the conclusions reached have relevance for attempts to understand any episode of mass killing. Among the topics covered are how crises and difficult life conditions might set the stage for violent intergroup conflict; why some groups are more likely than others to be selected as scapegoats; how certain cultural values and beliefs could facilitate the initiation of genocide; the roles of conformity and obedience to authority in shaping behavior; how engaging in violent behavior makes it easier to for one to aggress again; the evidence for a genocide-prone personality; and how perpetrators deceive themselves about what they have done. The book does not culminate in a grand theory of intergroup violence; instead, it seeks to provide the reader with new ways of making sense of the horrors of genocide. In other words, the goal of all of the contributors is to provide us with at least some of the knowledge that we will need to anticipate and prevent future such tragic episodes.

    Examining the presidencies of George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton--as well as George W. Bush's first year in of

    Today, parties descended from the Second International hold office throughout the European Union, while the Right appears widely disorientated by the dramatic “modernisation” of a political tradition dating back to the nineteenth century.The focal point of Gerassimos Moschonas’s study is the emergent “new social democracy” of the twenty-first century. As Moschonas demonstrates, change has been a constant of social-democratic history: the core dominant reformist tendency of working-class politic notwithstanding, capitalism has transformed social democracy more than it has succeeded in transforming capitalism. Now, in the “great transformation” of recent years, a process of “de-social-democratization” has been set in train, affecting every aspect of the social-democratic phenomenon, from ideology and programs to organization and electorates. Analytically incisive and empirically meticulous, In the Name of Social Democracy will establish itself as the standard reference work on the logic and dynamics of a major mutation in European politics.

    The author discusses the evidence to be found for these concepts in the Qur'an and Sunna, and reviews the interpretations of the earlier schools of law. The work also looks at more recent contributions by Muslim jurists who have advanced fresh interpretations of freedom, equality and justice in the light of the changing realities of contemporary Muslim societies. Freedom, Equality and Justice in Islam is part of a series dedicated to the fundamental rights and liberties in Islam and should be read in conjunction with The Dignity of Man: An Islamic Perspective and Freedom of Expression in Islam.

    

    State financed, illegal methods of framing, blaming and murdering activists has quite a history. From anti-labor Pinkerton thugs, the Palmer raids on Anarchists, to infiltration of anti-globalization protests, Churchill sends activists a warning.Ward Churchill is a spokesperson for AIM and the Peltier Defense Committee. His books include The Cointelpro Papers and Agents of Repression.

    Steven Hill argues our geographic-based, Winner Take All political system is at the root of many of our worst political problems, including poor minority and majority representation, low voter turnout, expensive mudslinging campaigns, congressional gridlock, regional balkanization, and the growing divide between city-dwellers and middle-America.

    Blyth analyzes the 1930s and 1970s, two periods of deep-seated institutional change that characterized the twentieth century. Viewing both periods of change as part of the same dynamic, Blyth argues that the 1930s labor reacted against the exigencies of the market and demanded state action to mitigate the market's effects by embedding liberalism and the 1970s, those who benefited least from such embedding institutions, namely business, reacted against these constraints and sought to overturn that institutional order. In Great Transformations, Blyth demonstrates the critical role economic ideas played in making institutional change possible and he rethinks the relationship between uncertainty, ideas, and interests on how, and under what conditions, institutional change takes place. Mark Blyth is an assistant professor of political science at the Johns Hopkins University specializing in comparative political economy. He has taught at Columbia University, and at the University of Birmingham, UK. Blyth is a member of the editorial board of the Review of International Political Economy.

    Her analysis also reveals that key cases have grappled with this problem of diversity. Challenges by marginalized groups to the culture or gender biases of international law emerge as integral to the cases, as do attempts to meet these challenges.

    Challenging the conventional view that public opinion is shaped by elites, Lee crafts an alternate account of the geographic, institutional, historical, and issue-specific contexts that form our political views. He finds that grassroots organizations and local protests of ordinary people pushed demands for social change into the consciousness of the general public. From there, Lee argues, these demands entered the policy agendas of political elites. Evidence from multiple sources including survey data, media coverage, historical accounts, and presidential archives animate his argument.Ultimately, Mobilizing Public Opinion is a timely, cautionary tale about how we view public opinion and a compelling testament to the potential power of ordinary citizens.

    With more than 300 articles, the Encyclopedia provides detailed discussions of the who, what, where, when, and why of terrorism. Up-to-date and timely, the articles cover such topics as Al-Qaeda, biological terrorism, extremism, Saddam Hussein, jihad, Zacarias Moussaoui, and suicide bombers. Its concise, readable format and detailed chronology, photographs, maps, and charts make this an essential reference.An internationally recognized expert on terrorism, Harvey Kushner has studied terrorism for more than three decades. He serves as a consultant on terrorism for a broad array of governmental and private agencies. In addition, his commentary appears regularly on Fox National News, CNN, the British Broadcasting Corporation, National Public Radio, Voice of America, and in articles in Reuters, The Associated Press, the Washington Post, and other newspapers and magazines worldwide. His expertise ensures that the entries, including contributions by other authorities in the field, are of the highest quality.Key Features: More than 300 authoritative, in-depth articlesExtensive, balanced coverage of terrorist groups (such as the IRA), key events (including September 11), people, terms, and statistics, as well as biographical, historical, and geographical informationCross-references to related entries at the end of each articleComprehensive, global coverageValuable appendices include: list of government organizations, list of terrorist organizations, list of well known female terrorists, detailed list of further readingsRecommended LibrariesPublic, academic, school, government, special, and private/corporate

    He advances what he believes is a commonsensical notion: a state's domestic identity has an enormous effect on its international policies. Hopf argues that foreign policy elites are inextricably bound to their own societies; in order to understand other states, they must first understand themselves. To comprehend Russian and Soviet foreign policy, it is just as important to read what is being consumed on the Moscow subway as it is to conduct research in the Foreign Ministry archives, the author says.Hopf recreates the major currents in Russian/Soviet identity, reconstructing the identity topographies of two profoundly important years, 1955 and 1999. To provide insights about how Russians made sense of themselves in the post-Stalinist and late Yeltsin periods, he not only uses daily newspapers and official discourse, but also delves into works intended for mass consumption--popular novels, film reviews, ethnographic journals, high school textbooks, and memoirs. He explains how the different identities expressed in these varied materials shaped the worldviews of Soviet and Russian decisionmakers. Hopf finds that continuous renegotiations and clashes among competing domestic visions of national identity had a profound effect on Soviet and Russian foreign policy. Broadly speaking, Hopf shows that all international politics begins at home.

    . . is a clear-eyed and nuanced account of multilayered backroom efforts to rebuild Cambodia after [Vietnam] overthrew the Khmer Rouge in 1979. The lessons for the United States in Iraq are many. . . . Washington should take note: this book is a sober and valuable warning of how difficult that struggle can be.”—Eric Pape, Newsweek“Drawing on new archival sources and interviews, Mr. Gottesman fills a gap, describing a shadowy period in Cambodia’s recent history, a period as crucial as the more thoroughly explored Khmer Rouge interregnum.”—Michael J. Ybarra, Wall Street Journal

    This collection is intended to show its strengths and resources and convey a sense of it as an ongoing project with a vital role to play in struggles for emancipation from all forms of oppression and exploitation today. Not every contribution to that project bears the same theoretical label, but the writings collected here share a broad aim of understanding women's subordination in a way which integrates class and sex--as well as aspects of women's identity such as race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation--with the aim of liberating women. Socialist Feminism brings together the most important recent socialist feminist writings on a wide range of topics: sex and reproduction, the family, wage labor, social welfare and public policy, the place of sex and gender in politics, and the philosophical foundations of socialist feminism. Although focusing on recent writings, the collection shows how these build on a struggle for women's liberation with earlier beginnings. These writings demonstrate the range, depth, and vitality of contemporary social feminist debates. They also testify to the distinctive capacity of this project to address issues in a way that embraces collective experience and action while at the same time enabling each person to speak in their own personal voice.

    Kautilya's treatise Arthashastra stands as one of the great political books of the ancient world, its ideas on the science of politics strikingly similar to those of Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Clausewitz, and even Sun Tsu. Roger Boesche's excellent commentary on Kautilya's voluminous text draws out the essential realist arguments for modern political analysis and demonstrates the continued relevance of Kautilya's work to modern Indian strategic thinking and our understanding of the relationship between politics and economics. Striking a balance between textual analysis and secondary scholarship, Boesche's work will be an enduring contribution to the study of ancient Indian history, Eastern political thought, and international relations.

    Ashutosh Varshney examines three pairs of Indian cities—one city in each pair with a history of communal violence, the other with a history of relative communal harmony—to discern why violence between Hindus and Muslims occurs in some situations but not others. His findings will be of strong interest to scholars, politicians, and policymakers of South Asia, but the implications of his study have theoretical and practical relevance for a broad range of multiethnic societies in other areas of the world as well. The book focuses on the networks of civic engagement that bring Hindu and Muslim urban communities together. Strong associational forms of civic engagement, such as integrated business organizations, trade unions, political parties, and professional associations, are able to control outbreaks of ethnic violence, Varshney shows. Vigorous and communally integrated associational life can serve as an agent of peace by restraining those, including powerful politicians, who would polarize Hindus and Muslims along communal lines.

    Ludwig's eighteen-year investigation into why people want to rule. The answer may seem obvious -- power, privilege, and perks -- but any adequate answer also needs to explain why so many rulers cling to power even when they are miserable, trust nobody, feel besieged, and face almost certain death. Ludwig's results suggest that leaders of nations tend to act remarkably like monkeys and apes in the way they come to power, govern, and rule.Profiling every ruler of a recognized country in the twentieth century -- over 1,900 people in all -- Ludwig establishes how rulers came to power, how they lost power, the dangers they faced, and the odds of their being assassinated, committing suicide, or dying a natural death. Then, concentrating on a smaller sub-set of 377 rulers for whom more extensive personal information was available, he compares six different kinds of leaders, examining their characteristics, their childhoods, and their mental stability or instability to identify the main predictors of later political success.Ludwig's penetrating observations, though presented in a lighthearted and entertaining way, offer important insight into why humans have engaged in war throughout recorded history as well as suggesting how they might live together in peace.

    Thoroughly updated and expanded by terrorism experts, Encyclopedia of Terrorism, Revised Edition provides students, researchers, journalists, and policymakers with a complete survey of what seems to be an intractable problem. More than 350 entries organized in an easily accessible, A-to-Z format offer comprehensive treatments of the events, people, organizations, and places that have played a major role in international terrorism. Each entry is placed within its appropriate historical context to help readers understand the wide-ranging motivations behind terrorist actions. Also included in this timely volume is a chronology of terrorist events that have occurred from 1945 to the present. New and updated entries include: Army of God; Osama bin Laden; Cyberterrorism; Darfur; Hamas; Saddam Hussein; Militias in the United States; The 9/11 Commission Report; Oklahoma City bombing; Al-Qaeda; USA Patriot Act; and Abu Musab al-Zarqawi.

    Presents the complete text of Gulliver's Travels, along with essays and a critical survey of the novel.

    Using four years of field research, and more than 200 interviews, Nazih Richani examines Colombia's "war system"--the systemic interlacing relationship among actors in conflict, their respective political economy, and also the overall political economy of the system they help in creating. Two key questions are raised: Why do some conflicts protract, and when they do protract, what types of socioeconomic and political configurations make peaceful resolutions difficult to obtain? Also addressed are the lessons of other protracted conflicts, such as those found in Lebanon, Angola, and Italy.

    Bourdieu′s work is central to contemporary social and cultural theory as well as research and teaching, however, understanding Bourdieu can be a challenge. This book uses a range of examples from popular culture to flesh out the material in accessible terms. As such it is an ideal primer for all beginning sociology and cultural studies students.

    It outlines his major theoretical contributions to the Black Liberation and New Afrikan Independence Movements. It includes - On The Black Liberation Army, For The Liberation Of North America, National Strategy For The Front For The Liberation Of the New Afrikan Nation, Handbook For Revolutionary Nationalist Cadres, The National And International Struggle Toward A New Global Revolutionary Pan-Afrikan Strategy and his 1975 sentencing statement. . The author receives a portion of the proceeds.

    The history of the West, like all histories, has been plagued by the consequences of greed, ill-will, and delusion. A Buddhist History of the West investigates how individuals have tried to ground themselves to make themselves feel more real. To be self-conscious is to experience ungroundedness as a sense of lack, but what is lacking has been understood differently in different historical periods. Author David R. Loy examines how the understanding of lack changes at historical junctures and shows how those junctures were so crucial in the development of the West.

    With insight, compassion, and unflinching honesty, Robinson explores the twin blights of crime and poverty--the former often a symptom of the latter--and asks questions that are critical to the rebuilding of black communities: How do we create awareness of the heroic efforts already being made and how can we bring our troubled youth to safety? A product of Robinson's work with gang members, ex-convicts, and others who have been scarred by the harshness of life in our inner cities, The Reckoning is certain to be as important and controversial as his earlier books.

    cinema for more than a century. In this book, Charles Ramirez Berg develops an innovative theory of stereotyping that accounts for the persistence of such images in U.S. popular culture. He also explores how Latino actors and filmmakers have actively subverted and resisted such stereotyping.In the first part of the book, Berg sets forth his theory of stereotyping, defines the classic stereotypes, and investigates how actors such as Raul Julia, Rosie Perez, Jose Ferrer, Lupe Velez, and Gilbert Roland have subverted stereotypical roles. In the second part, he analyzes Hollywood's portrayal of Latinos in three genres: social problem films, John Ford westerns, and science fiction films. In the concluding section, Berg looks at Latino self-representation and anti-stereotyping in Mexican American border documentaries and in the feature films of Robert Rodriguez. He also presents an exclusive interview in which Rodriguez talks about his entire career, from Bedhead to Spy Kids, and comments on the role of a Latino filmmaker in Hollywood and how he tries to subvert the system.

    This new role fits within a context that nation-states, global market forces and cities themselves continue to define. The analysis of this book focuses on how local efforts in the distinct European systems of France and Germany as well as American counterparts have provided for environmental quality and social inclusion alongside local economic development. Only in certain European settings has policy making at multiple levels accomplished all three objectives at once. In those settings, effective governance from below has relied on adequate support from higher levels of governments and a favorable position in the global economy.

    It provides empirical evidence as to whether financial globalization creates pressures on governments of developed and developing nations to pursue similar policies and to reduce spending on social policies. The book suggests that financial globalization does not lead to a race to the bottom among governments, especially in developed nations. It deploys several types of evidence; the most unique are interviews and surveys of investment fund managers. It also compares contemporary government-financial market relations to those prior to World War I.

    Economic reform is crucial to the recovery of the Japanese economy, but the political system is not delivering the necessary reforms. All eyes are on Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and his program of "structural reform." The Koizumi Administration has enjoyed most of the political conditions identified as conducive to economic reform. Why then, has the Koizumi revolution failed? This book explains why the process of economic reform in Japan is so problematic, and why reviving Japan's economy is proving so difficult. It offers a new explanation for Japan's failure to reform in terms of what is identified as Japan's "party-bureaucratic government" which undermines the power of the Prime Minister and in which forces opposed to reform are embedded. It concludes that achieving economic reform will require that Japan first reform its policymaking system to give sufficient power to the executive in order to override the

    It is viewed as a completed project rather than as a goal to be achieved. Fifteen leading scholars challenge that stasis in Materializing Democracy. They aim to reinvigorate the idea of democracy by placing it in the midst of a contentious political and cultural fray, which, the volume’s editors argue, is exactly where it belongs. Drawing on literary criticism, cultural studies, history, legal studies, and political theory, the essays collected here highlight competing definitions and practices of democracy—in politics, society, and, indeed, academia.Covering topics ranging from rights discourse to Native American performance, from identity politics to gay marriage, and from rituals of public mourning to the Clinton-Lewinsky affair, the contributors seek to understand the practices, ideas, and material conditions that enable or foreclose democracy’s possibilities. Through readings of subjects as diverse as Will Rogers, Alexis de Tocqueville, slave narratives, interactions along the Texas-Mexico border, and liberal arts education, the contributors also explore ways of making democracy available for analysis. Materializing Democracy suggests that attention to disparate narratives is integral to the development of more complex, vibrant versions of democracy. Contributors. Lauren Berlant, Wendy Brown, Chris Castiglia, Russ Castronovo, Joan Dayan, Wai Chee Dimock, Lisa Duggan, Richard R. Flores, Kevin Gaines, Jeffrey C. Goldfarb, Michael Moon, Dana D. Nelson, Christopher Newfield, Donald E. Pease

    But even as Cose acknowledges the systemic obstacles that confront black men, he refuses to accept them as reasons for giving up; instead he rails against the destructive attitude that has made academic achievement a source of shame instead of pride in many black communities—and outlines steps black males can take to enhance their odds for success. With insightful anecdotes about a broad range of black men from all walks of life, Cose delivers a warning of the vast tragedy that is wasted black potential, and a call to arms that can enable black men to reclaim their destiny in America.

    This book does not whitewash the atrocities committed by both sides; rather it focuses on the conflict itself, a perspective assisted by the French republic's official admission in 1999 that what happened in Algeria was indeed a war.

    K. Yeo brings Pauline eschatology and Maoist utopianism into conversation. He shows how Maoism changed and incorporated Chinese and Marxist views of history and power and compares the result to the message of Paul and the Christian West.New Testament and theological scholars and students, those interested in world affairs, and those who wish to better appreciate the church in China, will learn from and be challenged by this book.

    The Politics of Cultural Differences is the first book to develop and carefully test a general theory of cultural politics in the United States, one that offers a compelling new perspective on America's changing political order and political conflict in the post-New Deal period (1960-1996). David Leege, Kenneth Wald, Brian Krueger, and Paul Mueller move beyond existing scholarship by formulating a theory of campaign strategies that emphasizes cultural conflict regarding patriotism, race, gender, and religion. Drawing on National Election Studies data, they find that Republican politicians deployed powerful symbols (e.g., tax and spend liberals) to channel targeted voters toward the minority party. And as partisanship approached parity in the 1990s, Democratic leaders proved as adept at deploying their own symbols, such as a woman's right to choose, to disassemble the Republican coalition. A blend of sophisticated theory and advanced empirical tools, this book lays bare the cultural dimensions of American political life.

    Explores the nexus of power and space behind the rescaling ofcontemporary social, economic and political life.Organized into three sections on theorizing scale, thediscourses and rhetorics of scale, and scales of activism.Will stimulate discussion about how conceptions and visions ofscale inform all aspects of social life.

    Nor has globalization directly reduced the revenue-raising capacities of governments and undercut the political institutions that support the welfare state. Rather, institutional features of the polity and the welfare state determine the extent to which the economic and political pressures associated with globalization produce Welfare state retrenchment.

    It centers on a question of equal importance to citizens and scholars: how can we produce better political campaigns? First, Simon develops the idea of dialogue as a standard for evaluating political campaigns. Second, he reveals that candidates' self-interest in winning leads to avoiding dialogue or substantive campaign discourse. Third, the text demonstrates the beneficial effects produced by the little dialogue that actually occurs and finally, pinpoints the forces responsible for these rare occurrences.

    Arguing that this work needs to be theorized precisely because it is vital to the creation and persistence of the state, Stefano Harney draws on thinking from public administration and organizational sociology, as well as poststructuralist theory and performance studies, to launch a cultural studies of the state. Countering conceptions of the government and its employees as remote and inflexible, Harney uses the theory of mass intellectuality developed by Italian worker-theorists to illuminate the potential for genuine political progress inherent within state work.State Work begins with an ethnographic account of Harney’s work as a midlevel manager within an Ontario government initiative charged with leading the province’s efforts to combat racism. Through readings of material such as The X-Files and Law & Order, Harney then reviews how popular images of the state and government labor are formed within American culture and how these ideas shape everyday life. He highlights the mutually dependent roles played in state work by the citizenry and civil servants. Using as case studies Al Gore’s National Partnership for Reinventing Government and a community-policing project in New York City, Harney also critiques public management literature and performance measurement theories. He concludes his study with a look at the motivations of state workers.

    Henderson tests two versions of the democratic peace proposition (DPP) - that democracies rarely if ever fight one another, and that democracies are more peaceful in general than nondemocracies - using exactly the same data and statistical techniques as their proponents. In effect hoisting the thesis on its own petard, he finds that the ostensible democratic peace has in fact been the result of a confluence of several processes during the post-World War II era. It seems clear, Henderson maintains, that the presence of democracy is hardly a guarantor of peace - and under certain conditions, it may even increase the probability of war. Henderson convincingly refutes the democratic peace proposition - using exactly the same data and techniques as its proponents.