It is not a comforting book but a book about disturbing and dangerous trends. The Quest for Cosmic Justice shows how confused conceptions of justice end up promoting injustice, how confused conceptions of equality end up promoting inequality, and how the tyranny of social visions prevents many people from confronting the actual consequences of their own beliefs and policies. Those consequences include the steady and dangerous erosion of fundamental principles of freedom - amounting to a quiet repeal of the American revolution. The Quest for Cosmic Justice is the summation of a lifetime of study and thought about where we as a society are headed - and why we need to change course before we do irretrievable damage.

    It tells the truth about what has been happening in Haiti, and the US role in its bitter fate.—Noam Chomsky, from the introductionIn this third edition of the classic The Uses of Haiti, Paul Farmer looks at what has happened to the health of the poor in Haiti since the coup.Winner of a McArthur Genius Award, Paul Farmer is a physician and anthropologist who has worked for 25 years in Haiti, where he serves as medical director of a hospital serving the rural poor. He is the subject of the Tracy Kidder biography, Mountains Beyond Mountains.

    Freedom, Sen argues, is both the end and most efficient means of sustaining economic life and the key to securing the general welfare of the world's entire population. Releasing the idea of individual freedom from association with any particular historical, intellectual, political, or religious tradition, Sen clearly demonstrates its current applicability and possibilities. In the new global economy, where, despite unprecedented increases in overall opulence, the contemporary world denies elementary freedoms to vast numbers—perhaps even the majority of people—he concludes, it is still possible to practically and optimistically regain a sense of social accountability. Development as Freedom is essential reading.

    For he serves, not one man alone, but, what is worse, as many masters as he has vices." - St. Augustine, City of God Writing at the time of the collapse of the Roman Empire, St. Augustine both revolutionized and brought to a close antiquity's idea of freedom. A man was not a slave by nature or by law, as Aristotle claimed. His freedom was a function of his moral state. A man had as many masters as he had vices. This insight would provide the basis for the most sophisticated form of social control known to man.Fourteen hundred years later, a decadent French aristocrat turned that tradition on its head when he wrote that "the freest of people are they who are most friendly to murder." Like St. Augustine, the Marquis de Sade would agree that freedom was a function of morals. Unlike St. Augustine, Sade proposed a revolution in sexual morals to accompany the political revolution then taking place in France. Libido Dominandi - the term is taken from Book I of Augustine's City of God - is the definitive history of that sexual revolution, from 1773 to the present.Unlike the standard version of the sexual revolution, Libido Dominandi shows how sexual liberation was from its inception a form of control. Those who wished to liberate man from the moral order needed to impose social controls as soon as they succeeded because liberated libido led inevitably to anarchy. Aldous Huxley wrote in his preface to the 1946 edition of Brave New World that "as political and economic freedom diminishes, sexual freedom tends compensatingly to increase." This book is about the converse of that statement. It explains how the rhetoric of sexual freedom was used to engineer a system of covert political and social control. Over the course of the two-hundred-year span covered by this book, the development of technologies of communication, reproduction, and psychic control - including psychotherapy, behaviorism, advertising, sensitivity training, pornography, and plain old blackmail - allowed the Enlightenment and its heirs to turn Augustine's insight on its head and create masters out of men's vices. Libido Dominandi is the story of how that happened.

    A collection of essays that discusses such issues as the media, immigration, the minimum wage and multiculturalism.

    One of Chomsky's most accessible books, this succinct series of lectures lays out the parameters of his foreign policy analysis.

    And while African Americans make up only 13 percent of the U.S. population, they account for more than 55 percent of all newly diagnosed HIV infections. These alarming developments have caused reactions ranging from profound grief to extreme anger in African-American communities, yet the organized political reaction has remained remarkably restrained. The Boundaries of Blackness is the first full-scale exploration of the social, political, and cultural impact of AIDS on the African-American community. Informed by interviews with activists, ministers, public officials, and people with AIDS, Cathy Cohen unflinchingly brings to light how the epidemic fractured, rather than united, the black community. She traces how the disease separated blacks along different fault lines and analyzes the ensuing struggles and debates. More broadly, Cohen analyzes how other cross-cutting issues—of class, gender, and sexuality—challenge accepted ideas of who belongs in the community. Such issues, she predicts, will increasingly occupy the political agendas of black organizations and institutions and can lead to either greater inclusiveness or further divisiveness.The Boundaries of Blackness, by examining the response of a changing community to an issue laced with stigma, has much to teach us about oppression, resistance, and marginalization. It also offers valuable insight into how the politics of the African-American community—and other marginal groups—will evolve in the twenty-first century.

    Arranged chronologically, it contains almost 200 documents written between 1772, the year after Madison's graduation from Princeton, and his death in 1836. Included are all 29 of Madison's contributions to The Federalist as well as speeches and letters that illuminate his role in framing and ratifying the Constitution. Also represented are early writings on religious freedom; correspondence with figures such as Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton, and Monroe; writings from his terms as secretary of state and president; and letters and essays written during retirement.

    Williams once again takes on the left wing's most sacred cows with provocative insights, brutal candor, and an uncompromising reverence for personal liberty and the principles laid out in our Declaration of Independence and Constitution.

    It discusses how and why the members of the Assembly wrote their constitution as they did. This new edition of Austin's classic work has a preface that brings it up to date with contemporary developments in constitutional law.

    Rawls is the author of two major treatises, A Theory of Justice (1971) and Political Liberalism (1993); it is said that A Theory of Justice revived political philosophy in the English-speaking world. But before and after writing his great treatises Rawls produced a steady stream of essays. Some of these essays articulate views of justice and liberalism distinct from those found in the two books. They are important in and of themselves because of the deep issues about the nature of justice, moral reasoning, and liberalism they raise as well as for the light they shed on the evolution of Rawls's views. Some of the articles tackle issues not addressed in either book. They help identify some of the paths open to liberal theorists of justice and some of the knotty problems which liberal theorists must seek to resolve. A complete collection of John Rawls's essays is long overdue.

    Conceived by acclaimed novelist Walter Mosley and sponsored by the New York University Africana Studies Program and the Institute of African American Affairs, this book originated as a series of community conversations where "visionaries with solutions" shared powerful views on personal and communal struggles, triumphs, and aspirations. The list of contributors suggests the range of perspectives and talents brought to bear on such issues as economics, political power, work, authority, and culture. Black Genius is a point of departure for vigorous discussion of our current realities and goals for the future-and a portrait of "genius" that leads the way to enriching American life in the twenty-first century.

    Du Bois Institute for Afro-American Research at Harvard University.American life is filled with talk of progress and equality, especially when the issue is that of race. But has the history of race in America really been the continuous march toward equality we'd like to imagine it has? This sweeping history of race in America argues quite the opposite: that progress toward equality has been sporadic, isolated, and surrounded by long periods of stagnation and retrenchment.

    It seeks to briefly narrate the story of how our Parliament came to its present form, what it is, what it does, why it is needed, how it is constituted and how it functions. In fact, it covers the entire gamut of facts pertaining to the Indian Parliament. The concluding chapter is a resume of the working of Parliament during the last half-a-century and more.

    The book includes the U.S. Constitution and Articles of Confederation. This was first published in 1999 and has been a great aid to students and citizens who want to understand the Founding Fathers' interpretation of the U.S. Constitution.

    Robert McChesney, whom Marc Crispin Miller calls the greatest of our media historians, maintains that the major beneficiaries of the so-called Information Age are no more than a handful of enormous corporations, and that this concentrated corporate control is disastrous for any notion of participatory democracy.In a book that Noam Chomsky hails as a rich, penetrating study, McChesney combines historical sweep and unprecedented detail on current events as he chronicles the recent waves of media mergers and acquisitions, as well as the corrupt and secretive enactment of public policies surrounding the Internet, digital television, and public broadcasting. He also addresses the gradual and ominous adaptation of the First Amendment as a means of shielding corporate media power, and debunks the myth that the market compels media firms to give the people what they want.

    It exposes the relationships between the ever-worsening environmental crises, the nature of prevailing economic structures and the role of the modern state and concludes that the combination of these factors is driving humanity towards destruction.Innovative, provocative and cutting-edge, A Radical Green Political Theory will be of enormous value to all those with an interest in the environment, political theory and moral and political philosophy.

    New updated edition

    Although Iran officially banned torture in the early twentieth century, Abrahamian provides documentation of its use under the Shahs and of the widespread utilization of torture and public confession under the Islamic Republican governments. His study is based on an extensive body of material, including Amnesty International reports, prison literature, and victims' accounts that together give the book a chilling immediacy.According to human rights organizations, Iran has been at the forefront of countries using systematic physical torture in recent years, especially for political prisoners. Is the government's goal to ensure social discipline? To obtain information? Neither seem likely, because torture is kept secret and victims are brutalized until something other than information is obtained: a public confession and ideological recantation. For the victim, whose honor, reputation, and self-respect are destroyed, the act is a form of suicide.In Iran a subject's "voluntary confession" reaches a huge audience via television. The accessibility of television and use of videotape have made such confessions a primary propaganda tool, says Abrahamian, and because torture is hidden from the public, the victim's confession appears to be self-motivated, increasing its value to the authorities.Abrahamian compares Iran's public recantations to campaigns in Maoist China, Stalinist Russia, and the religious inquisitions of early modern Europe, citing the eerie resemblance in format, language, and imagery. Designed to win the hearts and minds of the masses, such public confessions—now enhanced by technology—continue as a means to legitimize those in power and to demonize "the enemy."

    Many people, of course, realize that liberalism no longer connotes distributed powers and bourgeois moral standards, the need to protect civil society from an encroaching state, or the virtues of vigorous self-government. Many also know that today's liberals have far different goals from those of their predecessors, aiming as they do largely to combat prejudice, to provide social services and welfare benefits, and to defend expressive and lifestyle freedoms. Paul Gottfried does more than analyze these historical facts, however. He builds on them to show why it matters that the managerial state has replaced traditional liberalism: the new regimes of social engineers, he maintains, are elitists, and their rule is consensual only in the sense that it is unopposed by any widespread organized opposition.Throughout the western world, increasingly uprooted populations unthinkingly accept centralized controls in exchange for a variety of entitlements. In their frightening passivity, Gottfried locates the quandary for traditionalist and populist adversaries of the welfare state. How can opponents of administrative elites show the public that those who provide, however ineptly, for their material needs are the enemies of democratic self-rule and of independent decision making in family life? If we do not wake up, Gottfried warns, the political debate may soon be over, despite sporadic and ideologically confused populist rumblings in both Europe and the United States.

    Written in non-technical language and using the most important English, American, French, and German examples of constitutional history, the book also examines East European (in particular, Russian) and Latin American examples, in part to illustrate certain dead-ends in constitutional development.

    Using a propaganda model, it is argued that the commercial media protect and propagandize for the corporate system. Case studies of major media institutions--the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Philadelphia Inquirer--are supplemented by detailed analyses of "word tricks and propaganda" and the media's treatment of topics such as Third World elections, the Persian Gulf War, the North American Free Trade Agreement, the fall of Suharto, and corporate junk science.

    The latest generation of titles in this series also feature glossaries and visual elements that complement the classic, familiar format.In "CliffsNotes on The Prince, " you explore the Italian Renaissance in Florence in the late 1400s and early 1500s, during which Machiavelli was a statesman who took a special interest in observing the distinct intelligence that made certain rulers successful. In a nutshell, "The Prince" is an analysis of how to acquire and maintain political power. It remains one of the definitive statements of power and control and is based on what Machiavelli saw, not what he felt or imagined.This study guide carefully walks you through "The Prince" by providing summaries and critical analyses of each chapter of the book. You'll also explore the life and background of the author. Other features that help you study includeA list of people the book exploresGlossaries in each chapter to define new termsCritical essays about topics like the vilification of Machiavelli and free willA review section that tests your knowledgeA Resource Center with books, magazine articles, and Web sites for more studyClassic literature or modern modern-day treasure -- you'll understand it all with expert information and insight from CliffsNotes study guides.

    Although conventional histories have taught generations of Americans that this was a war fought for lofty moral principles, Adams' eloquent history transcends simple Southern partisanship to show how the American Civil War was primarily a battle over competing commercial interests, opposing interpretations of constitutional rights, and what English novelist Charles Dickens described as a fiscal quarrel.

    This is a book about the transformation of sovereignty in the United Kingdom and the European Union, about the transition from 'sovereign states' to 'post-sovereign states', about devolution and nationalism and the future of the British union.

    No idea in the history of the world has been more influential than freedom. This course deals with the political, economic, social, moral and cultural dimensions of freedom.

    What is democracy? How do we know when we have it? Is liberal democracy merely one, or the only, version of democracy.

    By telling the story of how capitalism is being built without capitalists in post-communist Central Europe it guides is towards a deeper understanding of the origins of modern capitalism.

    Aristotle, Locke and Kant emerge as proponents of the dignity of legislation. Waldron's arguments are of obvious importance and topicality, especially in countries that are considering the introduction of a Bill of Rights. The Dignity of Legislation is original in conception, trenchantly argued and very clearly presented, and will be of interest to a wide range of scholars and thinkers.

    But often overlooked is the fact that ultimately the Crucifixion is a scene of capital punishment. Mitchell Merback reconstructs the religious, legal, and historical context of the Crucifixion and of other images of public torture. The result is a fascinating account of a time when criminal justice and religion were entirely interrelated and punishment was a visual spectacle devoured by a popular audience.Merback compares the images of Christ's Crucifixion with those of the two thieves who met their fate beside Jesus. In paintings by well-known Northern European masters and provincial painters alike, Merback finds the two thieves subjected to incredible cruelty, cruelty that artists could not depict in their scenes of Christ's Crucifixion because of theological requirements. Through these representations Merback explores the ways audiences in early modern Europe understood images of physical suffering and execution. The frequently shocking works also provide a perspective from which Merback examines the live spectacle of public torture and execution and how audiences were encouraged by the Church and the State to react to the experience. Throughout, Merback traces the intricate and extraordinary connections among religious art, devotional practice, bodily pain, punishment, and judicial spectatorship.Keenly aware of the difficulties involved in discussing images of atrocious violence but determined to make them historically comprehensible, Merback has written an informed and provocative study that reveals the rituals of medieval criminal justice and the visual experiences they engendered.

    . . is a loosely related collection of past and present acts of Congress, treaties and agreements, executive orders, administrative rulings, and judicial opinions, connected only by the fact that law in some form has been applied haphazardly to American Indians over the course of several centuries. . . . Indians in their tribal relation and Indian tribes in their relation to the federal government hang suspended in a legal wonderland. In this book, two prominent scholars of American Indian law and politics undertake a full historical examination of the relationship between Indians and the United States Constitution that explains the present state of confusion and inconsistent application in U.S. Indian law. The authors examine all sections of the Constitution that explicitly and implicitly apply to Indians and discuss how they have been interpreted and applied from the early republic up to the present. They convincingly argue that the Constitution does not provide any legal rights for American Indians and that the treaty-making process should govern relations between Indian nations and the federal government.

    Well before the Opium War, Chinese confronted such constitutional questions as: How does the scope of political participation affect state power? How is the state to secure a share of society’s wealth? In response to the changing demands of the age, this agenda has been expressed in changing language. Yet, because the underlying pattern remains recognizable, the modernization of the state in response to foreign aggression can be studied in longer perspective.The author offers three concrete studies to illustrate the constitutional agenda in action: how the early nineteenth-century scholar-activist Wei Yuan confronted the relation between broadened political participation and authoritarian state power; how the reformist proposals of the influential scholar Feng Guifen were received by mainstream bureaucrats during the 1898 reform movement; and how fiscal problems of the late empire formed a backdrop to agricultural collectivization in the 1950s. In each case, the author presents the “modern” constitutional solution as only the most recent answer to old Chinese questions. The book concludes by describing the transformation of the constitutional agenda over the course of the modern period.

    Unveiling the hidden perversities of our lifelong tax experience, the author takes a cultural examination of the way taxes influence behavior, and how they force people into an arbitrary system that punishes middle-class families.

    Though modern ideologies deny the existence of original sin, it is the source of our great social evils. Blinded to this truth, we suppress our conscience until it is corrupted and, taking its revenge, leads us to cultural calamity. The revenge of conscience is horrifically manifest today in abortion, euthanasia, and suicide, evils brought about by the pollution of good intentions.-- Why do we kill the weak?-- How does our conscience take revenge?-- Why is moral neutrality an illusion?

    This book is a path-breaking work that uses biographical techniques to test one of the most widely debated questions in international politics: Did the advent of the nuclear bomb prevent the Third World War? The book's authors argue almost unanimously that nuclear weapons did have asignificant effect on the thinking of the leading statesmen of the nuclear age, but a dissenting epilogue from John Mueller challenges this thesis.

    This famed Payne edition of Select Works of Edmund Burke is universally revered by students of English history and political thought.Volume 1, Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents and The Two Speeches on America , contains Burke’s brilliant defense of the American colonists’ complaints of British policy, including “Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents” (1770), “Speech on American Taxation” (1774), and “Speech on Conciliation” (1775).Francis Canavan (1917–2009) was Professor of Political Science at Fordham University from 1966 until his retirement in 1988.Please note: This title is available as an ebook for purchase on Amazon, Barnes and Noble, and iTunes.

    Leyla Zana is the first Kurdish woman elected to the Parliament in Turkey of post military dictatorship (1991). Tolerance was short lived. In 1994 Leyla Zana and five other Kurdish parliamentarians were stripped of their parliamentary immunity, arrested, and sentenced to 15 years in prison for statements made in support of a peaceful resolution to the Kurdish problem in Turkey. Since the arrest a tremendous effort has been launched on her behalf by human rights organizations and the diplomatic community worldwide.. "This book is a collection of Leyla Zana's personal letters and statements written from Ankara prison since her arrest and imprisonment by the Turkish security forces in 1994.

    In the most comprehensive treatment of the subject to date, David Canon shows that the unintended consequences of black majority districts actually contradict the common wisdom that whites will not be adequately represented in these areas. Not only do black candidates need white votes to win, but this crucial "swing" vote often decides the race. And, once elected, even the black members who appeal primarily to black voters usually do a better job than white members of walking the racial tightrope, balancing the needs of their diverse constituents.Ultimately, Canon contends, minority districting is good for the country as a whole. These districts not only give African Americans a greater voice in the political process, they promote a politics of commonality—a biracial politics—rather than a politics of difference.

    Thomas Cleary has put together this collection of gems of wisdom from six of the great classics, including excerpts from his best-selling translation of The Art of War and other lesser-known but insightful texts.

    The poor communication between diplomatic professionals and academic area scholars is deplorable. This [work] has the potential to speak to both groups. . . . Scholars and practitioners should pay attention."--L. Carl Brown, Princeton University This is the story of how a promising North African democracy, by failing to solve crucial problems both at home and abroad, brought about its own overthrow by Islamic militants. Since gaining independence in 1956, Sudan has repeatedly stumbled in attempts to establish a stable democratic government. Sudan in Crisis tells the story of this failure and seeks to explain its causes. G. Norman Anderson, former American ambassador, provides a first-hand account of Sudan’s third try at democracy. He analyzes the problems plaguing the democratically elected government of Prime Minister Sadiq al-Mahdi--civil war and related famine, religious and ethnic antagonisms, political instability, economic deterioration, the presence of Libyan terrorists--and the ineffective efforts of the government to cope with them. He also analyzes the policies of the United States and Sudan during this period, and cites specific instances in which each helped to undermine Sudanese democracy--including Washington’s earlier strong support of Sudanese dictator Ja’far Numayri and its relatively lukewarm support of democracy and Sadiq al-Mahdi’s foreign policy of nonalignment, which favored the extremist regimes of Libya and Iran while antagonizing potential friends such as the United States, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia.Sudan in Crisis also addresses the issue of Sudan’s future after the current junta. With many of the leaders who mismanaged democratic government now waiting again in the wings, the question remains whether they have learned the lessons of the past. G. Norman Anderson is a former career diplomat specializing in Arab affairs and Eastern Europe. He was the American ambassador to Sudan from 1986 to 1989. During the recent Yugoslav crisis, he headed an international peace mission in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.

    The core international legal instrument on which they must rely to find safety is the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. This book examines key challenges the Convention faces, on the basis of nine papers by eminent international refugee lawyers, which were then discussed at an expert roundtable meeting in 2001 as part of UNHCR's Global Consultations on International Protection. The papers are published here in one volume, together with the conclusions of the roundtables and other documents.

    Each reading builds upon the foundation of game theory to address similar sets of questions concerning institutions and self-governance. The chapters in the first section lay out interrelated frameworks for analysis. Section two illustrates the normative component of institutions and their effects on human behavior. Readings in the following two sections detail how these frameworks have been applied to models of specific situations. Section five presents a modeling exercise exploring the functions of monitoring and enforcement, and the sixth section discusses approaches to the problems of complexity that confront individuals playing polycentric games. The final readings provide overviews of experimental research on the behavior of rational individuals.Contributors include Arun Agrawal, Sue E. S. Crawford, Clark C. Gibson, Roberta Herzberg, Larry L. Kiser, Michael McGinnis, Stuart A. Marks, Elinor Ostrom, Vincent Ostrom, James Walker, Franz J. Weissing, John T. Williams, and Rick Wilson.Michael McGinnis is Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and Co-Associate Director, Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis, Indiana University.

    Drawing on both archival sources and interviews, they cover such major issues as Russia's decision to use military force in Chechnya, its reactions to NATO expansion, and its emergent relations with Japan and East Asia. The contributors are Eunsook Chung, Henrikki Heikka, Ted Hopf, Andrea Lopez, Hiroshi Kimura, Sergei Medvedev, and Christer Pursiainen.

    The result of this extreme relativism has been a foundations crisis in law, politics, education, and other areas of social life. In this lucidly written and brilliantly argued volume, J. Budziszewski attempts to reserve the self-destruction of modern liberalism by showing that true tolerance is not only consistent with taking stands about objective goods and evils, but actually requires doing so.Tolerance, falsely understood as ethical neutrality, has the paradoxical effect of crippling policy choice by divesting it of the moral and practical framework on which it depends. By painstakingly and exhaustively dissecting each of the many neutralist arguments, Budziszewski demonstrates that real neutrality is logically impossible. Confronted by alternative views, the neutralist at best obscures his own underlying judgments, and at worst abandons all possible defense against fanatics who oppose both true equality and true tolerance.True Tolerance is both a rigorous critique, and a polemic undertaken in the name of a positive, twenty-first century vision of liberalism. Budziszewsky outlines a view of true tolerance that assumes a relationship with an older liberal tradition and a codependence with other virtues, including humility, mercy, charity, respect, and courtesy. This vision is rooted in historical experience and rational conviction about what is good. In the spirit of liberal and classical theorists of virtue from Aristotle to John Locke to Alasdair MacIntyre, the virtue of true tolerance is much more than a readiness to follow known rules; it includes a developed ability to distinguish good rules from bad, and to choose rightly even where there are no rules or where rules seem to contradict each other. Accessibly written and intended for a wide readership, True Tolerance will be of special interest to political theorists and activists, and to sociologists and philosophers.

    This work seeks to provide the antidote. Through a series of 19 vignettes, Stephen Frantzich portrays citizens from every walk of life - rich and poor, old and young, black and white, male and female, left and right, famous and obscure - as they choose to become involved in politics at a level to which readers can relate.

    Examining the experiences of countries that have provided the main empirical base for recent theorizing, namely, Western Europe and South America, this book delineates a more complex and varied set of patterns. The volume explores democratization through a comparative analysis that examines the role of labor in relation to elite strategies in both contemporary and historical perspectives.

    An indispensable book for those interested in Latin America and the politics and history of the region.

    Using an anthropological theory, this groundbreaking book presents and explains the ritual sacrifices and regeneration that constitute American nationalism, the factors making particular elections or wars successful or unsuccessful rituals, the role of the mass media in the process, and the sense of malaise that has pervaded American society during the post-World War II period.

    This book addresses the theme of the history of internationalism in feminist theory and praxis, covering such topics as the historical concept of internationalism within feminism and women's movements; the nature of historical shifts within feminist movements, and challenges to internationalism within feminism by women of colour and by women from colonised or formerly colonised countries.

    First published in 1960 and reissued through seven successful printings, this widely acclaimed classic of American political studies now returns to print in a new paperback edition.

    Recent history and current affairs relating to Mexico.

    The past decade's "third wave" of democratization, the contributors argue, has been characterized by retreats as well as advances. In some cases, newly established democratic orders have devolved into pseudo-democracies while, in other cases, superficial changes have been used as a cosmetic screen for continuation of often brutal regimes. The volume makes clear, however, that political liberalization is making significant headway.The first section of the book ("Assessing Africa's Third Wave") offers several broad analytical surveys of democratic change and electoral processes in the 48 sub-Saharan African states. Frequent abuses are noted, but several contributors find room for guarded optimism. The second section ("South Africa: An African Success?") focuses on the dramatic developments in South Africa, the most advanced democracy on the continent but one faced with enormous challenges in the aftermath of apartheid. Essays in this section examine such issues as the role of nongovernmental organizations in the new political order, the ongoing and linked problems of racial and economic division, the demographics of public opinion on democracy, and the viability of the country's new constitution. The third section of the book ("African Ambiguities") considers more closely several other African states -- Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, the Gambia, and Nigeria -- all at different crossroads in their progress toward democracy."For the past three decades, there has been no lack of reasons to be pessimistic about Africa's future. But a more balanced reading is called for... There is significantly greater political freedom and more space for civil society in Africa today than a decade ago. Even as some states have disintegrated, others are moving forward to reconstruction. There is also a new ideological and intellectual climate. Unlike during the false start of the first liberation that came with decolonization, Africa today evinces a new political sobriety that is hardened (and even jaundiced) by experience, but not without hope." -- from the Introduction

    This text brings together for the first time two complete key works from classical antiquity on the politics of Athens: Plato's Menexenus and Pericles' funeral oration (from Thucydides' history of the Peloponnesian War).

    Book by

    The third edition has been expanded to cover non-military challenges to security, and includes new learning aids.

    He identifies, in particular, conflict among feudal elites--landlords, clerics, kings, and officeholders--as the dynamic which perpetuated manorial economies in some places while propelling elites elsewhere to transform the basis of their control over land and labor.Comparing regions and cities within and across England, France, Italy, Spain, and the Netherlands from the twelfth through eighteenth centuries, Lachmann breaks new ground by showing step by step how the new social relations and political institutions of early modern Europe developed. He demonstrates in detail how feudal elites were pushed toward capitalism as they sought to protect their privileges from rivals in the aftermath of the Reformation.Capitalists in Spite of Themselves is a compelling narrative of how elites and other classes made and responded to political and religious revolutions while gradually creating the nation-states and capitalist markets which still constrain our behavior and order our world. It will prove invaluable for anyone wishing to understanding the economic and social history of early modern Europe. Capitalists in Spite of Themselves was the winner of the 2003 Distinguished Scholarly Publication Award of the American Sociology Association.

    The first part of the volume focuses on the role of elections, distinguishing different ways in which they may cause representation. The second part is devoted to the role of checks and balances, between the government and the parliament as well as between the government and the bureaucracy. Overall, the essays combine theoretical discussions, game-theoretic models, case studies, and statistical analyses, within a shared analytical approach and a standardized terminology. The empirical material is drawn from the well established democracies as well as from new democracies.

    These ideas include: * the place of text and critic in the world* knowledge, power and the construction of the 'Other'* the links between culture and imperialism.First published in 1999, this book has been fully updated and revised for the reader new to Said's work. The result is the ideal guide to one of today's most engaging critical thinkers for all literary students.

    Forced to resign in 1998 due to nation-wide outrage, protests, and riots, Suharto exemplifies how the military (and particularly the Army) have played a central role in Indonesian politics and intervened in all aspects of civilian life. The authors argue that the lack of support in the government and military for Suharto in 1998 originates from decisions made in the 1960s regarding the structure of the army. This monograph investigates trends in career advancement for officers (a line of study disregarded by other works that focus primarily upon ideological and political factors) and devotes painstakingly detailed attention to the bureaucratic dynamics that have had such extensive political implications. 1999. 98 pages.

    A look at the social and economic results of fighting discrimination through government control of private property.

    As practiced in most Western universities, the study of political theory generally involves a rehearsal of the canon of Western political thought from Plato to Marx. Only rarely are practitioners of political thought willing (and professionally encouraged) to transgress the canon and thereby the cultural boundaries of North America and Europe in the direction of genuine comparative investigation. Border Crossings presents an effort to remedy this situation, fully launching a new era in political theory. Thirteen scholars from around the world examine the various political traditions of West, South, and East Asia and engage in a reflective cross-cultural discussion that belies the assumptions of an Asian "essence" and of an unbridgeable gulf between West and non-West. The denial of essential differences does not, however, amount to an endorsement of essential sameness. As viewed and as practiced by contributors to this ground-breaking volume, comparative political theorizing must steer a course between uniformity and radical separation--this is the path of "border crossings."

    The political economic perspective of this book clarifies the emerging role of Latin America's NGOs in the global community. After introducing the expanding role of NGOs in the international community at large, the book explores the history of NGOs in Latin America. It then uses case studies to examine the economics and politics of NGOs vis-a-vis information, partnerships, opportunism, entrepreneurship, and compromise with donors.As producers of international public goods, NGOs are characterized as building blocks of the global community and as contributors to economic production, employment, institutional innovation, and technology transfer. This book concludes that although NGOs cannot substitute for government, they are aptly suited for complex partnerships with both domestic and international public and private sectors and are more appropriate vehicles for donor projects than Latin America's public sectors.

    The principal idea of this study is to investigate to what extent it is possible to explain the emergence of ethnic conflicts and the variation in the degree of ethnic conflicts by our assumed predisposition to ethnic nepotism, not to find explanations for all ethnic conflicts.

    For months we've read about the scandal and the people involved - we've heard the pundits - opinions and the politicians' spins - but now we are finally able to hear two of the key participants - in their own words - and to get a glimpse of the people behind the headlines. Geoffrey Giuliano brings us highlights from these historic tapes along with his own commentary and it is fascinating listening.How did Monica feel about Bill Clinton?Why does she think he began an affair with her?What did she think Clinton would say if asked about the affair?How does she sound?How did Linda Tripp urge Monica to save the “blue dress?”How much did she steer their conversations?Listen and decide for yourself.No one knows what the ultimate result of Tripp's recordings will be. Will they bring down a president? Will the Republican Party end up more damaged by them than Clinton? What will America's perspective be on the scandal a year from now? Ten years from now? One thing is certain. They won't soon be forgotten, and this tape serves as a reminder why history should not repeat itself.

    But Burke's thinking on international relations has not been fully addressed by the scholarly community. This situation is ironic given that so much of Burke's political efforts and thoughts were directed at international events and controversies, particularly British policies toward Ireland, America, India, and revolutionary France.David Fidler and Jennifer Welsh provide the first comprehensive presentation of Burke's thinking on international relations in Empire and Community: Edmund Burke's Writings and Speeches on International Relations. They analyze in detail Burke's perspective on international relations developed during his long and distinguished parliamentary career, establishing him as a ”classical thinker” on international relations; they also analyze where Burke's perspective on international relations belongs theoretically in the contemporary study of the subject. These analyses are followed by edited selections from Burke's writings and speeches on Ireland, America, India, and the French Revolution. Empire and Community gives Burke's thinking on international relations the emphasis and scholarly attention it deserves.