Since his triumphant release in 1990 from more than a quarter-century of imprisonment, Mandela has been at the center of the most compelling and inspiring political drama in the world. As president of the African National Congress and head of South Africa's anti-apartheid movement, he was instrumental in moving the nation toward multiracial government and majority rule. He is revered everywhere as a vital force in the fight for human rights and racial equality. The foster son of a Thembu chief, Mandela was raised in the traditional, tribal culture of his ancestors, but at an early age learned the modern, inescapable reality of what came to be called apartheid, one of the most powerful and effective systems of oppression ever conceived. In classically elegant and engrossing prose, he tells of his early years as an impoverished student and law clerk in a Jewish firm in Johannesburg, of his slow political awakening, and of his pivotal role in the rebirth of a stagnant ANC and the formation of its Youth League in the 1950s. He describes the struggle to reconcile his political activity with his devotion to his family, the anguished breakup of his first marriage, and the painful separations from his children. He brings vividly to life the escalating political warfare in the fifties between the ANC and the government, culminating in his dramatic escapades as an underground leader and the notorious Rivonia Trial of 1964, at which he was sentenced to life imprisonment. Herecounts the surprisingly eventful twenty-seven years in prison and the complex, delicate negotiations that led both to his freedom and to the beginning of the end of apartheid. Finally he provides the ultimate inside account.

    A former bombardier in WWII, Zinn emerged in the civil rights movement as a powerful voice for justice. Although he's a fierce critic, he gives us reason to hope that by learning from history and engaging politically, we can make a difference in the world.

    Cussed and discussed by all from notable politicians to academicians to laypersons. Do you want to know the truth about money? Creature from Jekyll Island will give you the answers to these, and other, questions: Where does money come from? Where does it go? Who makes it? The money magicians' secrets are unveiled. We get a close look at their mirrors and smoke machines, their pulleys, cogs, and wheels that create the grand illusion called money. A dry and boring subject? Just wait! You'll be hooked in five minutes. Creature from Jekyll Island Reads like a detective story which it really is. But it's all true. This book is about the most blatant scam of all history. It's all here: the cause of wars, boom-bust cycles, inflation, depression, prosperity. Creature from Jekyll Island is a "must read." Your world view will definitely change. You'll never trust a politician again or a banker.

    Moving from a sweeping overview of history to blow-by-blow accounts of his negotiations with world leaders, Henry Kissinger describes how the art of diplomacy has created the world in which we live, and how America’s approach to foreign affairs has always differed vastly from that of other nations. Brilliant, controversial, and profoundly incisive, Diplomacy stands as the culmination of a lifetime of diplomatic service and scholarship. It is vital reading for anyone concerned with the forces that have shaped our world today and will impact upon it tomorrow.

    Also included are exchanges between Chomsky and his critics, historical and biographical material, filmmakers' notes, a resource guide, more than 270 stills from the film and 18 "Philosopher All-Stars" Trading Cards!Mark Achbar has applied a wide range of creative abilities and technical skills to over 50 films, videos, and books. He has worked as editor, researcher and production coordinator."A juicily subversive biographical/philosophical documentary bristling and buzzing with ideas."—Washington Post"You will see the whole sweep of the most challenging critic in modern political thought."—Boston Globe"One of our real geniuses, an excellent introduction."—Village Voice"An intellectually challenging crash course in the man's cooly contentious analysis, laying out his thoughts in a package that is clever and accessible."—Los Angeles TimesContents:The Man. Early Influences. Vietnam A Turning Point. On His Role. The Media. Thought Control in Democratic Societies. A Propaganda Model. The Gulf "War". A Case Study Cambodia & East Timor. Concision A Structural Constraint. "Sports Rap with Noam Chomsky." A Cabal of Anti-Conspiricists. Media in Media, Pennsylvania. Alternative Media. The Linguist. Basic Premises. Nim Chimsky: Chimpanzee. And the Elusive Connection to his Politics. The Social Order. On Education. Anarchism/Libertarian Socialism. Resistance & Critical Analysis. The Critics (Media-Based). William F. Buckley, Jr. "Firing Line". David Frum Journalist, Washington Post. Jeff Greenfield Producer, "Nightline". Karl E. Meyer Editorial Writer, The New York Times. Peter Worthington Editor, The Ottawa Sun. The Critics (Other Elites). Fritz Bolkestein Former Dutch Minister of Defense. Michel Foucault Philosopher. Yossi Olmert Tel Aviv University. John Silber

    This work begins with a mini-treatment of money and banking theory, and then plunges right in with the real history of the Federal Reserve System. Rothbard covers the struggle between competing elites and how they converged with the Fed. Rothbard calls for the abolition of the central bank and a restoration of the gold standard. His popular treatment incorporates the best and most up-to-date scholarship on the Fed's origins and effects.

    Race rebels, argues Kelley, have created strategies of resistance, movements, and entire subcultures. Here, for the first time, everyday race rebels are given the historiographical attention they deserve, from the Jim Crow era to the present.

    Arrighi argues that capitalism has unfolded as a succession of “long centuries,” each of which produced a new world power that secured control over an expanding world-economic space. Examining the changing fortunes of Florentine, Venetian, Genoese, Dutch, English and finally American capitalism, Arrighi concludes with an examination of the forces that have shaped and are now poised to undermine America’s world dominance. A masterpiece of historical sociology, The Long Twentieth Century rivals in scope and ambition contemporary classics by Perry Anderson, Charles Tilly and Michael Mann.

    Although reports of the massacre -- and photographs of its victims -- appeared in the United States, the Reagan administration quickly dismissed them as propaganda. In the end, El Mozote was forgotten. The war in El Salvador continued, with American funding.When Mark Danner's reconstruction of these events first appeared in The New Yorker, it sent shock waves through the news media and the American foreign-policy establishment. Now Danner has expanded his report into a brilliant book, adding new material as well as the actual sources. He has produced a masterpiece of scrupulous investigative journalism that is also a testament to the forgotten victims of a neglected theater of the cold war.

    Historical debate about the origin of racial slavery has focused on the status of the Negro in seventeenth-century Virginia and Maryland. However, as Theodore W. Allen argues in this magisterial work, what needs to be studied is the transformation of English, Scottish, Irish and other European colonists from their various statuses as servants, tenants, planters or merchants into a single new all-inclusive status: that of whites. This is the key to the paradox of American history, of a democracy resting on race assumptions.Volume One of this two-volume work attempts to escape the “white blind spot” which has distorted consecutive studies of the issue. It does so by looking in the mirror of Irish history for a definition of racial oppression and for an explanation of that phenomenon in terms of social control, free from the absurdities of classification by skin color. Compelling analogies are presented between the history of Anglo-Irish and British rule in Ireland and American White Supremacist oppression of Indians and African-Americans. But the relativity of race is shown in the sea change it entailed, whereby emigrating Irish haters of racial oppression were transformed into White Americans who defended it. The reasons for the differing outcomes of Catholic Emancipation and Negro Emancipation are considered and occasion is made to demonstrate Allen’s distinction between racial and national oppression.

    Drawing on hundreds of interviews and scores of documents never seen before, Mayer and Abramson demonstrate that the political machinations that assured Thomas's ascension to the Court went far beyond what was revealed to the public: Several witnesses were prepared but not allowed to testify in support of Anita Hill's specific allegations about Thomas's pronounced interest in sexually explicit materials.; Republican Judiciary Committee members manipulated the FBI and misled the American public into believing that Hill was fabricating testimony during the televised hearings.; Clarence Thomas mythologized certain elements of his upbringing and career to draw attention away fr

    Jaffe and Sherwood reveal the shocking inside story of a city polarized by race, class, poverty, and power.

    Seumas Milne revealed for the first time the astonishing lengths to which the government and its intelligence machine were prepared to go to destroy the power of Britain’s miners’ union. There was an enemy within. It was the secret services of the British state, operating inside the NUM itself.Milne revealed for the first time the astonishing lengths to which the government and its intelligence machine were prepared to go to destroy the power of Britain’s miners’ union. Using phoney bank deposits, staged cash drops, forged documents, agents provocateurs and unrelenting surveillance, M15 and police Special Branch set out to discredit Scargill and other miners’ leaders. Planted tales of corruption were seized on by the media and both Tory and Labour politicians in what became an unprecedentedly savage smear campaign.In this new edition, published for the twentieth anniversary of Britain’s most important postwar social confrontation, new material brings the story up to date  – and, in the wake of the Iraq war intelligence scandals, highlights the continuing threat posed by the security services to democracy today.

    An extraordinarily vivid, unflinching series of portraits of South America today, written from the inside out, by the award-winning New Yorker journalist and widely admired author of Samba.

    

    Recently, Agamben has begun to direct his thinking to the constitution of the social and to some concrete, ethico-political conclusions concerning the state of society today, and the place of the individual within it.In Homo Sacer, Agamben aims to connect the problem of pure possibility, potentiality, and power with the problem of political and social ethics in a context where the latter has lost its previous religious, metaphysical, and cultural grounding. Taking his cue from Foucault’s fragmentary analysis of biopolitics, Agamben probes with great breadth, intensity, and acuteness the covert or implicit presence of an idea of biopolitics in the history of traditional political theory. He argues that from the earliest treatises of political theory, notably in Aristotle’s notion of man as a political animal, and throughout the history of Western thinking about sovereignty (whether of the king or the state), a notion of sovereignty as power over “life” is implicit.The reason it remains merely implicit has to do, according to Agamben, with the way the sacred, or the idea of sacrality, becomes indissociable from the idea of sovereignty. Drawing upon Carl Schmitt’s idea of the sovereign’s status as the exception to the rules he safeguards, and on anthropological research that reveals the close interlinking of the sacred and the taboo, Agamben defines the sacred person as one who can be killed and yet not sacrificed—a paradox he sees as operative in the status of the modern individual living in a system that exerts control over the collective “naked life” of all individuals.

    Now in this probing and impassioned book, one of our foremost Palestinian-American intellectuals explains why the much-vaunted process has yet to produce peace--and is unlikely to as presently constituted.Whether Edward Said is addressing the fatal flaws in the PLO's bargain, denouncing fundamentalists on both sides of the religious divide, or calling our attention to the distortions in official coverage of the Arab world, he offers insights beyond the conventional wisdom and a sympathy that extends to bot Israelis and Palestinians. He does so with an incisiveness, clarity, and fairness that make Peace and Its Discontents essential reading for anyonve who cares about the future of the Middle East.

    Highly recommended." -- Library Journal (starred review)"[Mr. Tessler is] thoughtful, well-informed and resolutely fair-minded... rigorous and commiserative alike, and his gloss on the fallout from the creation of Israel, which included a counterflow of millions of Jewish immigrants from the Arab world, is among the best things in the book." -- David Schoenbaum, New York Times Book Review"A dense, well-annotated portrait of Jewish and Arab histories, national aspirations, and conflicts, focusing on the origins of modern Zionism and Arab nationalism with a view to the prospects for Israeli-Palestinian peace." -- Kirkus Reviews"Most will profit from the careful scholarship and the balanced judgments and will hope that [Tessler] is right in concluding that the Israeli-Palestinian dispute may finally be on its way to resolution." -- Foreign Affairs..". fascinating and enlightening."A -- Booklist..". a truly monumental yet easy to read work of scholarship." -- Hadassah Magazine"I consider Tessler's work a real breakthrough in the systematic and in-depth analysis of the Arab-Jewish conflict in its historical context. The volume is well balanced, objective, and comprehensive. His conclusion that the conflict is solvable for the benefit of all parties is anchored in a careful and well-documented piece of research." -- Baruch Kimmerling"Mark Tessler's new book is an authoritative source on the evolution and the dynamics of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It is one of the few books that offers a balanced, enlightened, and thorough analysis of the various aspects of the conflict and the politics of the region. A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is a must for advanced undergraduate or graduate courses on the Middle East." -- Emile Sahliyeh"This timely study is the most comprehensive history to date of the century-old struggle between Zionists (and, later, Israelis) and Palestinians for historic Palestine. Based on the best works of recent scholarship, Mark Tessler's History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is a major contribution. Sensitive to the viewpoints of the protagonists, Tessler transcends partisanship and presents a largely balanced and detailed analysis. This work is a rare example of how the history of the conflict should be written."A -- Philip Mattar"The main characteristic of Mark Tessler's book is 'objectivity without detachment.' It is this and much more -- a work of unprecedented empathy for both sides... [Tessler] has put together a very readable and cogent narrative of historical developments spanning more than a century. His balanced analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from 1948 to the Declaration of Principles of 1993 forms the core of his perceptive book which is certain to remain the definitive study on this conflict for some time." -- Jacob M. Landau"Teachers and students alike, after some understandable initial hestitation as to the need for 'yet another' volume on the Arab-Israeli conflict, will quickly discover the many merits of this carefully crafted, well-written, and nuanced treatement of its complex and highly charged subject." -- International Journal of Middle East Studies"Thoroughly researched and comprehensive in scope, this book is an impressive achievement by any measure." -- Journal of Church and StateThis timely, comprehensive, and objective history provides a constructive framework for thinking realistically about the prospects for peace. Highlighting the historic symmetry of the two peoples and emphasizing the potential for cooperation between them, Tessler presents the case for mutual recognition and a two-state solution.

    Photos. Satellite TV tour (20 cities).

    Reprint.

    

    A philosophic champion of human freedom, she was among the first to draw the now-evident parallel between Nazism and Bolshevism and to identify totalitarianism as a threat inherent to the modern world. Jerome Kohn, Arendt's longtime assistant, has compiled, edited, and annotated her manuscripts for publication, beginning with some of her earliest published work and including essays on Augustine, Rilke, Kierkegaard, and figures of the nineteenth-century "Berlin Salon"; the loyalties of immigrant groups within the United States; the unification or "federation" of Europe; "the German problem"; religion, politics, and intellectual life; the dangers of isolation and careerism in American society; the logical consequences of "scientific" theories of Nature and History; the terror that was the organizing principle of both the Nazi and the Communist states. Two seminal essays have never before been published in complete form: On the Nature of Totalitarianism: An Essay in Understanding (1953) and Concern with Politics in Recent European Philosophical Thought (1954).

    And in the Zapatistas, we have not one dream of a revolution but a dreaming revolution.”—Naomi KleinThe most comprehensive collection of essays and communiqués by Subcomandante Marcos chronicles the written voice of the Zapatista movement and its struggle to open a space within the neoliberal, globalized landscape for the oppressed peoples of the world. Complete from their first public appearance in 1994 through their 10-year anniversary celebrations and period of restructuring in 2004.“The Zapatista uprising in Chiapas was certainly one of the most dramatic and important instances in our time of a genuine grassroots movement against oppression. In this volume, the writings of Subcomandante Marcos give eloquent expression to this movement, revealing both its philo-sophical foundations and its tactical ingenuity. I believe his words and the statements of the Zapatistas can inspire a new generation of activists and let them understand that it is possible for ordinary people, without military power, without wealth, to challenge state power successfully on behalf of social justice. [This] fantastic collection of Marcos’ words conveys the spirit of the Zapatistas as no other book I know has done.”—Howard Zinn“After over 500 years of conquest, the indigenous -people already know what the rest of us must learn about empires: that they exploit the many for the privileges of the few, that they ransack the cultures of antiquity, that they place a burden even on the mother countries. But in their actions and writings, the Zapatistas are inspiring a new generation to join the struggle for a better world. It’s our world too!”—Tom Hayden

    Nearly .250,000 in print! Contains quotes form Presidents, Statesment, Acts of Congress, Supreme Court Decisions, State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, Scientists, Explorers, Pioneers, Business leaders, Military leaders, African-American leaders, Women leaders...Topics include character, virtue, law, freedom, faith, courage, liberty, Providence, God, government, etc. Easy to use, alphabetically arranged, fully footnoted, with subject and entry index. A favorite of politicians, teachers, students speech writers, radio hosts, etc. No American library is complete without it!

    As these collected essays amply prove, he is also our most intelligent and bracingly heretical writer on affairs involving not only Palestinians but also the Arab and Muslim worlds and their tortuous relations with the West.In The Politics of Dispossession Said traces his people's struggle for statehood through twenty-five years of exile, from the PLO's bloody 1970 exile from Jordan through the debacle of the Gulf War and the ambiguous 1994 peace accord with Israel. As frank as he is about his personal involvement in that struggle, Said is equally unsparing in his demolition of Arab icons and American shibboleths. Stylish, impassioned, and informed by a magisterial knowledge of history and literature, The Politics of Dispossession is a masterly synthesis of scholarship and polemic that has the power to redefine the debate over the Middle East.

    

    "12 lessons to restore the image, the character, & the responsibility of the goddess blackwoman"--Cover.

    By lucidly revealing the common threads that connect the ancient confrontations between Athens & Sparta & between Rome & Carthage with the two calamitous world wars of the 20th century & the Cuban Missile Crisis, Kagan reveals new insights into the nature of war & peace that are vitally important & often surprising.

    Yoder’s approach to ecumenical dialogue correlates with his conception of the faithfulness of the church. His vision of the church poses challenges for Christians of all communions because he calls both for disciplined dialogue and for faithful servanthood that renders the confession of Jesus Christ’s lordship meaningful.This collection of 17 essays on themes ecclesiological and ecumenical is intended to demonstrate the substantial unity of Yoder’s work over the past four decades. Many of these essays are often cited by researchers but have been till now unobtainable. Three of these texts have never been published before. Editor Michael Cartwright has contributed a substantial introduction on the “Yoderian” project, and a select bibliography prepared by Mark Nation catalogs Yoder’s writings—published and unpublished—on ecclesiology and ecumenism.

    Today's citizen is now more likely than ever to violate some unknown law or regulation and be placed at the mercy of an administrator or politician hungering for publicity. Unfortunately, the only way many government agencies can measure their "public service" is by the number of citizens they harass, hinder, restrain, or jail.James Bovard's Lost Rights provides a highly entertaining analysis of the bloated excess of government and the plight of contemporary Americans beaten into submission by a horrible parody of the Founding Fathers' dream.

    Beginning with an examination of the determined assault on gay issues by the religious right, the authors show how this sectarian movement to legislate private religious morality into law undermines the purpose of American constitutional government: the protection of the individual's right to determine how best to live his or her life. The book starts from the premise that gay and lesbians are, first and foremost, American citizens, and then looks to what rights belong to every individual American citizen, arguing from the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Addressing their argument to the great majority of their fellow Americans, Dawidoff and Nava emphasize that what is at stake is not the fate of the gay community, but the future of constitutional principle and the rights of free individuals in American society.

    He returned to his hometown in 1954 and became one of two black lawyers in the city. He was, he writes, determined to destroy everything segregated that I could find. He did not have to wait long. When Gray's friend Rosa Parks was arrested in 1955 for violating the segregated seating ordinance on a Montgomery bus, 26-year-old Martin Luther King, Jr., was chosen to lead the Montgomery Bus Boycott, and 24-year-old Fred Gray became his--and the movement's--lawyer. Gray's legal victory in the federal courts ended the boycott 381 days later. Over the four decades since, Gray has won scores of civil rights cases in education, voting rights, transportation, health, and other areas. He represented the Freedom Riders, the Selma-to-Montgomery marchers, the victims of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, and many more. Bus Ride to Justice is the exciting story of a courageous life in the courtrooms of America and in the pulpits of churches where Fred Gray began as a child preacher and continues today, and of a strong human being filled with love and admiration for his fellow man.

    The target is PinMan - a member of the Royal Family. Once the plot is started, there are no cut-outs; not even the Army Council of the IRA can stop it.

    Recounts the formation of the Confederacy, looks at the political forces that shaped it, and discusses the impact of slavery.

    security agencies in the evolution of modern communication research, a field in the social sciences which crystallized into a distinct discipline in the early 1950s.Government-funded psychological warfare programs underwrote the academic triumph of preconceptions about communication that persist today in communication studies, advertising research, and in counterinsurgency operations.Christopher Simpson contends that it is unlikely that communication research could have emerged into its present form without regular transfusions of money from U.S military, intelligence, and propaganda agencies during the Cold War. These agencies saw mass communication as an instrument forpersuading or dominating targeted groups in the United States and abroad; as a tool for improving military operations; and perhaps most fundamentally, as a means to extend the U.S. influence more widely than ever before at a relatively modest cost. Communication research, in turn, became for a timethe preferred method for testing and developing such techniques. Science of Coercion uses long-classified documents to probe the contributions made by prominent mass communication researchers such as Wilbur Schramm, Ithiel de Sola Pool, and others, then details the impact of psychological warfareprojects on widely held preconceptions about social science and the nature of communication itself.A fascinating case study in the history of science and the sociology of knowledge, Science of Coercion offers valuable insights into the dynamics of ideology and the social psychology of communication.

    The book refutes the classical attacks against Stalin: Lenin's testament, the collectivization imposed by a totalitarian party, the forced industrialization, the liquidation of the old Bolsheviks, the blind and absurd terror of the purges, the cooperation between Stalin and Hitler, etc...In Another View of Stalin, the reader will find an enormous quantity of information from Western academic sources that has long remained unknown to a wider public.

    They travelled all over Ireland, speaking to people on both the sides of the divide, in an attempt to understand the reasons for the continued violence.

    This book provides a clear and accessible guide to the major ideas and concepts encountered in political analysis: the building-blocks of political understanding.

    Boston reveals how a band of ultraconservative religious groups with a political agenda - led primarily by televangelist Pat Robertson - is conducting a systematic war aginst the separation of church and state. The tactics of these groups are designed to exploit unfounded fears and turn the American people against the separationist principle. They will not rest, Boston says, until the United States has become a theocracy.To expose the Religious Right's blatant distortions of U.S. history and correct its skewed analysis of legal rulings, Boston objectively reviews the evolution of church/state relations in the United States and looks at how the separation principle has been applied by the courts. He also examines efforts by sectarian groups to win government support for their schools, the school prayer issue, the history of the free exercise of religion, and the controversial role of religion in the public square.Published in cooperation with Americans United for the Separation of Church and State

    The flogging is made fresh by a venomous wit, genuine scorn, and a heaping dose of good old-fashioned contempt.' -The Comics Journal

    The women—primarily of Muslim but also of Croatian and Serbian origin—have endured the atrocities of rape and the loss of loved ones. Their testimony, published in the 1993 German edition, is bare, direct, and its cumulative effect overwhelming. The first English edition contains Stiglmayer's updates to her own two essays, one detailing the historical context of the current conflict and the other presenting the core of the book, interviews with some twenty victims of rape as well as interviews with three Serbian perpetrators. Essays investi-gating mass rape and war from ethnopsychological, sociological, cultural, and medical perspectives are included.New essays by Catharine A. MacKinnon, Rhonda Copelon, and Susan Brownmiller address the crucial issues of recognizing the human rights of women and children. A foreword by Roy Gutman describes war crimes within the context of the UN Tribunal, and an afterword by Cynthia Enloe relates the mass rapes of this war to developments and reactions in the international women's movement.Accounts of torture, murder, mutilation, abduction, sexual enslavement, and systematic attempts to impregnate—all in the name of "ethnic cleansing"—make for the grimmest of reading. However brutal and appalling the information conveyed here, this book cannot and should not be ignored.

    In the words of David Remnick, author of Lenin's Tomb, "(this book is) like watching an endless parade of the great characters of American life . . . as rich as a great novel."From the Trade Paperback edition.

    The tiny, working telephones, hand-carved chairs and tables, and miniature carpets that reproduce the original stitch by stitch, are all proof of great craftsmanship and minute attention to detail.

    The development apparatus generated categories powerful enough to shape the thinking even of its occasional critics while poverty and hunger became widespread. Development was not even partially deconstructed until the 1980s, when new tools for analyzing the representation of social reality were applied to specific Third World cases. Here Escobar deploys these new techniques in a provocative analysis of development discourse and practice in general, concluding with a discussion of alternative visions for a postdevelopment era.Escobar emphasizes the role of economists in development discourse--his case study of Colombia demonstrates that the economization of food resulted in ambitious plans, and more hunger. To depict the production of knowledge and power in other development fields, the author shows how peasants, women, and nature became objects of knowledge and targets of power under the gaze of experts.

    A revealing biography of Tito, the Yugoslav leader who was a partisan against the Germans and the first Communist head to break with the Soviet Union, considers his role in the breakup of Yugoslavia after his death.

    An insightful biography of the committed and exciting life of the famed Mexican muralist, by an American artist who spent 10 years as his assistant.

    With unparalleled access to the inner workings of the various campaigns, Newsweek's award-winning team of reporters gathered the in-depth stories of the candidates; their handlers, pollsters, and supporters; and their strategies, strengths, and weaknesses. Woven together here in spellbinding and insightful narrative, these accounts reveal the changing order of American politics, which saw the strongest third-force challenge in eighty years, and the changing portrait of the American voter, more cynical yet more involved in shaping the political process than ever before. The rich reporting and you-are-there intimacy of private meetings, confidential conversations, informal war-gaming sessions, and other key moments in the campaigns provide new insight into the players and events of this critical election year. A broad array of never-before-published campaign documents and sixty-one of Newsweek's best on-the-scene photographs flesh out the record. The result offers an essential guide to understanding not only the Clinton candidacy but also the Clinton presidency; keen human understanding of George Bush's fall; and a hint of how a Texas billionaire's down-home style may have changed the political terrain forever.

    Political Science. In this 1994 speech--the first of three released by AK Press, oddly enough, in association with the punk record label Epitaph--Massachusetts Institute of Technology professor Noam Chomsky shoots from the hip, criticizing the early days of the Clinton administration long before anyone had ever heard of Monica Lewinsky. Chomsky digs into Clinton's bungled health care plan, his business interests, his labor policies, and his involvement with the North American Free Trade Agreement. Despite being the world's foremost linguist, Chomsky is not exactly a charismatic speaker--he drones a bit and offers humor sparingly. His strong, simple words, though, and his big ideas are undeniably engrossing. He takes politics out of the ether and shows us how it affects our lives and the lives of those around us.

    This volume will be an invaluable guide to the formation of one of the most influential doctrines in the history of political thought.

    It was the cause of thousands of battle mishaps. William Hallahan's Misfire is an in-depth expose of nearly two centuries of failure by the U.S. Army Ordinance Corps in the arming of our infantry. Hallahan shows that the M16 was the last in a long sequence of faulty small-arms provided to American soldiers since Revolutionary times. Hallahan tells the story of American small-arms weaponry from its colonial origins - with the establishment of our two great arsenals, the National Armories at Springfield, Massachusetts and Harper's Ferry, Virginia - up to the present. Misfire is a story of politics as well as history. As Hallahan shows, the U.S. Army Ordinance Corps has been fixated for generations on accurate, deliberate firepower and the conservative use of ammunition, despite the fact that the prime innovations in arms technology have led to ever more rapid-firing and accurate weapons.

    Radical testimonies from indigenous Pacific women on vital issues affecting their future, from nuclear experimentation and the impact of tourism to oceanic pollution and more.

    Filled with eyewitness anecdotes, this is a vivid account of the civil rights struggle, told from a faith perspective.

    Many have brought up the population problem before, but few have traveled the world in search of answers. Tobias journey and questions resulted in this document in the quest for hope in the next millennium. There are approx 300,000 people added to the planet every day, approx 3 million every ten days. This is must read for every concerned citizen>

    This reading is grounded in a poetics of biblical narrative"" that balances attention to historical, ideological, and aesthetic aspects of John's Gospel while highlighting its relevance for today. By committing himself to a close analysis of the text as symbolic action"" Howard-Brook makes it clear how John's Gospel fairly bristles with references to societal conditions that demand a direct response. Throughout the commentary, his close attention to literary structure as well as social background yields new insights into the often-obscure message of the Fourth Gospel.

    relations with Indian tribes are Corn Tassel, Standing Bear, Crow Dog, and Lone Wolf. Each exemplifies a problem or a process as the United States defined and codified its politics toward Indians. The importance of the Lone Wolf case of 1903 resides in its enunciation of the "plenary power" doctrine—that the United States could unilaterally act in violation of its own treaties and that Congress could dispose of land recognized by treaty as belonging to individual tribes. In 1892 the Kiowas and related Comanche and Plains Apache groups were pressured into agreeing to divide their land into allotments under the terms of the Dawes Act of 1887. Lone Wolf, a Kiowa band leader, sued to halt the land division, citing the treaties signed with the United States immediately after the Civil War. In 1902 the case reached the Supreme Court, which found that Congress could overturn the treaties through the doctrine of plenary power.As he recounts the Lone Wolf case, Clark reaches beyond the legal decision to describe the Kiowa tribe itself and its struggles to cope with Euro-American pressure on its society, attitudes, culture, economic system, and land base. The story of the case therefore also becomes the history of the tribe in the late nineteenth century.The Lone Wolf case also necessarily becomes a study of the Dawes Allotment Act of 1887 in operation; under the terms of the Dawes Act and successor legislation, almost two-thirds of Indian lands passed out of their hands within a generation. Understanding how this happened in the case of the Kiowa permits a nuanced view of the well-intentioned but ultimately disastrous allotment effort.

    diplomats to build an opposition in Singapore

    A survey of his long career -- 136 pages, lots of photos, and 35 rock 'n' roll greats: Cinnamon Girl * Harvest * Heart of Gold * Sugar Mountain * Southern Man * Ohio and many more.

    Photos.

    Even during a recession the country is in the black. Japan's school system produces a blue-collar work force possessing skills that come only with a college degree in most Western countries. Its pension and health delivery systems are efficient and relatively inexpensive, and its unemployment rate half that of the United States and Germany.

    The author establishes the relevance of Malcolm's political legacy for the task of rebuilding the movement for Black liberation almost thity years after his assassination.

    confrontation with the Soviet Union to the end of communist rule and the dissolution of the Soviet Union itself. This turning point is now history, history that is the foundation for what has been occurring between the United States and Russia and for what will evolve. In this book, one of America's foremost specialists on Soviet affairs provides a major contribution to our understanding of U.S.-Soviet relations. Raymond L. Garthoff picks up this story from his earlier account of the rise and fall of the detente of the 1970s. Covering the period of 1969 through 1980, Detente and Confrontation (first published by Brookings in 1985) studied American policy toward the Soviet Union under the Nixon, Ford, and Carter administrations, and Soviet policy toward the United States. This new book turns to the final chapter of American relations with the Soviet Union in the succeeding decade, 1981-1991, bringing to an end both the final period of American-Soviet relations and the story of the Cold War. The Great Transition features a detailed account of relations during the Reagan and Bush administrations and the Soviet leadership from the end of Brezhnev's rule through the revolutionary transformation of the Soviet Union under Gorbachev. Through his unusual access to many formerly secret Soviet documents, declassified American documents, and interviews with key American and Soviet officials, including Mikhail Gorbachev, Garthoff provides a rare, authoritative analysis of recent events. He examines the turn from renewed confrontation in the early 1980s to a new detente in the late 1980s in the interaction of theUnited States and the Soviet Union. The interrelationships of domestic factors and foreign and security policies in both countries are examined, as are the involvements of both powers with other countries around the world that infringed on their direct relationship. Garthoff analyzes

    A collection of 'ultra' prose and poetry from 300 years of outrage, passion, sarcasm and wit. Quotes, rants, declarations and blood-curdling warcries. This is utterly brilliant, and is finally reprinted here (from an obscure edition first published in the 60s) in a new edition edited, introduced, and illustrated by Clifford Harper. "Death to middle-class society, and long live anarchism!"

    Writers include Joseph de Maistre, HonorT de Balzac, and Juan Donoso CortTs. Originally published in 1952 as Catholic Poli

    

    An analysis of white supremacy vs the black struggle and what African-Americans should do next in three parts: the American government, the best argument for anarchism; a draft proposal for an Anarchist Black Cross Network.

    

    An indispensable guide to how Washington really works--or doesn't.

    

    Ordinary Americans is different; it tells history as the average American actually lived it.A fascinating collection of nearly 200 first-person accounts by real everyday people. Ordinary Americans covers 500 years of U.S. history from a bottom -up rather than top-down perspective. Drawn from letters, diaries, autobiograhical accounts, often inspiring. They're not just about what happened, but how real people feel about what happened.Featured are Native Americans, African Americans, Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, as well as women and men of European ancestry. These multicultural everyday perspectives help citizens of all ethnicities discover shared experiences that define us as Americans.

    Using savage image/text cut and paste, this controversial book explodes all previous media theories and riots through the Global Village, looting the ideological supermarkets of all its products: anti-fascism, Malcolm X, James Bulger, the Gulf War, Satanic Abuse, Somalia, and Eastern Europe.Test Card F joyrides in front of the surveillance cameras, amidst the rubble of a junkyard nation, and heaves television's burnt-out carcass through the plate glass shop window of "independent" video and "community access" broadcasting. It transcends postmodern and Situationist analysis in its positive refusal of the concept of Truth.Test Card F has no named authors; it originates in the pirate transmissions of the unruly squatters of cyberspace when scheduled programming closes down for the night.

    Among these developments are the collapse of Communist regimes, the fragmentation of the constituencies upon which earlier socialist advances had depended, changes in the organization and the dynamics of capitalism and a dearth of agencies committed to the socialist project. The book also takes up and seeks to rebut older objections to socialism, such as the notion that it is inevitably totalitarian, that it is based on too optimistic a view of human nature and that it fails to take account of the tendency of power to accumulate in the hands of minorities.The book argues that a social order dominated by the logic of capital and competition cannot, despite all the positive claims made on its behalf, produce the conditions which make true citizenship and community possible. By contrast, socialism offers an attractive and feasible programme for the realization of those ideals. Miliband argues that socialism cannot be seen as an answer to all the ills which have plagued humankind. Socialism, in his view, has to be understood as part of an age-old struggle for a more just society, and he believes that, seen in this light, socialism remains not only desirable but also perfectly possible. Moreover, he believes, socialism will, in time, come to command a majority support which its advancement requires. Socialism has to be seen as a permanent striving for the achievement of democracy, egalitarianism and the creation of an economy under democratic control.

    The Pulitzer Prize-winning authors of the bestselling "America: What Went Wrong?" now probe the current scandal of the American tax system and show in detail the inequities that run through federal, state, and local taxation.

    As this process unfolds the fault lines created by centuries of White rule are beginning to shift and in doing so, they have released the pent-up fears of Blacks and Whites. This book examines the climate of fear as thousands die in political violence, and locates the origin of apartheid in fear. It explores how fear threatens to poison the future as it has the past. Chapters include: the Boipatong Massacre; the White middle-class; the last White Parliament; the Afrikaaner bitter-enders; the Black radical left; White working-class life; the Zulus, soldiers, spies and killers; and the ANC. The book concludes with the swearing-in of the new President - Nelson Mandela.

    Several common themes emerge: the critical importance of African roots, the traumatic discontinuities of slavery, the struggle for freedom within slavery and the subsequent experience of discrimination, and the remarkable creativity of African-American religious faith and practice. Together, these essays enrich our understanding of both African-American life and its part in the history of religion in America.

    It has chapters on the roles of intellectuals, the ideologies of republicanism, clericalism, nationalism and the functions of the state. The last four chapters examine the political traditions of liberalism, socialism, Gaullism and Communism.

    What this phenomenon meant to the political life of the nation is the subject of Sharon Achinsteins book. Considering a wide range of writers, from John Milton, Thomas Hobbes, John Lilburne, John Cleveland, and William Prynne to a host of anonymous scribblers of every political stripe, Achinstein shows how the unprecedented outpouring of opinion in mid-seventeenth-century England created a new class of activist readers and thus helped to bring about a revolution in the form and content of political debate. By giving particular attention to Miltons participation in this burst of publishing, she challenges critics to look at his literary practices as constitutive of the political culture of his age.Traditional accounts of the rise of the political subject have emphasized high political theory. Achinstein seeks instead to picture the political subject from the perspective of the street, where the noisy, scrappy, and always entertaining output of pamphleteers may have had a greater impact on political practice than any work of political theory. As she underscores the rhetorical, literary, and even utopian dimension of these writers efforts to politicize their readers, Achinstein offers us evidence of the kind of ideological conflict that historians of the period often overlook. A portrait of early modern propaganda, her work recreates the awakening of politicians to the use of the press to influence public opinion.Originally published in 1994.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    Senator (1906–1925) he battled uncompromisingly for his vision of democracy—an idealistic mixture of informed citizenry and enlightened public servants combining to produce a utopian egalitarianism.  By contrast, the private man, often isolated and defeated by social forces beyond his understanding or control, suffered from intense periods of depression and relied heavily on his family for survival.    With his beloved wife, Belle Case La Follette, a Progressive journalist in her own right, “Old” Bob raised their brood to perceive a unique personal and family responsibility for challenging (and curing) society's ills.  His first child, Fola, left her stage career to campaign for suffrage; Robert Jr. followed his father to the Senate in 1925, when he was only thirty; and in 1930 youngest son Phil became the old man's heir as Governor of Wisconsin and as the state's leading Progressive figure.    Not unlike the twentieth century's other political “first family,” however, the La Follette saga ends in largely unrealized promise and tragedy. Fola, Phil, and Bob all ultimately abandoned public life, the latter two after bitter defeat and disillusionment.  Finally, in February of 1953, “young Bob” took his own life.    An intimate portrait of the Progressive movement and the revealing, poignant story of a prominent American family, The La Follettes of Wisconsin will charm, fascinate, and entertain its readers.

    A different kind of tour guide, to 136 sites in London associated with spies and spycatchers in the last century of English history.

    However, despite several hundred years of debate, philosophers have not reached agreement about how legal punishment can be morally justified. That is the central issue addressed by the contributors to this volume. All of the essays collected here have been published in the highly respected journal "Philosophy & Public Affairs." Taken together, they offer not only significant proposals for improving established theories of punishment and compelling arguments against long-held positions, but also ori-ginal and important answers to the question, "How is punishment to be justified?"Part I of this collection, "Justifications of Punishment," examines how any practice of punishment can be morally justified. Contributors include Jeffrie G. Murphy, Alan H. Goldman, Warren Quinn, C. S. Nino, and Jean Hampton. The papers in Part II, "Problems of Punishment," address more specific issues arising in established theories. The authors are Martha C. Nussbaum, Michael Davis, and A. John Simmons. In the final section, "Capital Punishment," contributors discuss the justifiability of capital punishment, one of the most debated philosophical topics of this century. Essayists include David A. Conway, Jeffrey H. Reiman, Stephen Nathanson, and Ernest van den Haag.

    Nearly anyone can read this easy-to-understand annotated version of America's founding documents. Every difficult word or phrase is followed by a simple definition; every complex concept or clause is fully explained. In The People's Guide to the United States Constitution: Everything You Need to Know in One Easy Read the reader is also shown why the Constitution was written and how it continues to affect the lives of Americans today. There is a brief history of the events leading up to our separation from Great Britain, the text of the Declaration of Independence (with appropriate explanations), and a short history of the Constitution with a brief summary of it. Also included are summaries of various landmark decisions of the United States Supreme Court that have shaped our interpretation of the document.

    They fled from Somalia, Sudan, and Ethiopia before they reached the safety of the camps in Kenya.

    While the author notes the roles that underdevelopment and external threat have played in undermining the possibility for democratic socialism in this century, she focuses specifically upon a theoretical heritage plagued by silences, absences and simplifications concerning key political questions. Within this framework, she then turns to the Cuban revolution and, in a revisionist interpretation, identifies the succession of critical moments at which the question of democracy was raised and the nature of the leadership's response, or lack thereof. She maintains that the consistency with which the leadership reined in, at these moments, the possibilities it itself had evoked, compounded by its extreme paternalism, has been as destructive of the social project of the revolution as the dire economic straits in which Cuba finds itself in a post-socialist world. For courses in Latin American studies, Cuban studies, comparative socialist history, and political theory, this probing analysis provides a unique and informative look at the ideological legacy of a nation struggling to endure the changing tides of history.

    With a rigorous blend of rhetorical and statistical research, Hart asserts that while television makes viewers feel knowledgeable, important, informed and close to the political representatives, it disguises increasing apathy and inaction as voter turnouts decrease and a general dissatisfaction with the political system is expressed.

    Voltaire wrote a sharply humorous "Philosophical Dictionary," while Samuel Johnson's dictionary of the English language was derisive and opinionated. These early dictionaries and encyclopedias were really weapons in a struggle for the soul of civilization between forces of humanistic enlightenment and the forces of orthodoxy and dogmatism. Their authors attacked and exposed the half-truths of their day by showing that it was possible to think differently about the social and political arrangements that everyone took for granted. But as John Ralston Saul argues in this decidedly unorthodox book, modern dictionaries have once again been captured by the forces of orthodoxy—albeit this time a rationalist orthodoxy. Our language has become as predictable, fragmented, and rhetorical as it was in the 18th century, divided as it is by special interest groups into dialects of expertise that are hermetically sealed off and inaccessible to citizens. In The Doubter's Companion, a mar­velous subversive contribution to the great 18th century tradition of the humanist dictionary, Saul skewers and discredits the accepted content of common terms like Advertising, Academics, and Air Conditioning (defined as "an efficient means for spreading disease in enclosed public spaces"); Cannibal, Conservative, and Croissant; Dandruff, Death, and Dictionary ("opinions presented as truth in alphabetical order"); and several hundred others, including Biography ("a respectable form of pornography"), Museum ("safe storage for stolen objects"), and Manners ("people are always splendid when they're dead"). There is much in this volume that will stimulate, offend, provoke, perplex, and entertain. But Saul deploys these tactics of guerilla lexicography to advance the more serious purpose of reclaiming public language from the stultifying dialects of modern expertise.

    Rather, pressure from special interest groups, legislative bargaining, and the desire of incumbents to be reelected are thought to originate in American legislative politics. While not denying such influences, Joseph M. Bessette argues that the institutional framework created by the founding fathers continues to foster a government that is both democratic and deliberative, at least to some important degree.Drawing on original research, case studies of policymaking in Congress, and portraits of American lawmakers, Bessette demonstrates not only the limitations of nondeliberative explanations for how laws are made but also the continued vitality of genuine reasoning on the merits of public policy. Bessette discusses the contributions of the executive branch to policy deliberation, and looks at the controversial issue of the proper relationship of public opinion to policymaking.Informed by Bessette's nine years of public service in city and federal government, The Mild Voice of Reason offers important insights into the real workings of American democracy, articulates a set of standards by which to assess the workings of our governing institutions, and clarifies the forces that promote or inhibit the collective reasoning about common goals so necessary to the success of American democracy."No doubt the best-publicized recent book-length work on Congress is columnist George Will's diatribe in praise of term limits in which the core of his complaint is that Congress does not deliberate in its decision-making. Readers who are inclined to share that fantasy would do well to consult the work of Joseph M. Bessette. He turns up massive amounts of material attesting to the centrality of deliberation in congressional life."—Nelson W. Polsby, Presidential Studies Quarterly

    Hailed by critics of every persuasion, this absorbing narrative is the product of over a decade's worth of research: the author sifted through thousands of government and antiwar documents and interviewed virtually all of the key players on both sides of the fence, from Dean Rusk, John Ehrlichman, and H. R. Haldeman to Dave Dellinger, Philip Berrigan, and Daniel Ellsberg. The result is this remarkable chronicle: the story of how a powerful grassroots movement ended our longest and least popular war. In these pages the Vietnam era comes to life through the words of scores of participants, who speak with candor and passion about this tumultuous time.

    economy for the postwar period. The patterns that result are significantly different from those derived within conventional systems of national accounts. Conventional national accounts seriously distort basic economic aggregates, because they classify military, bureaucratic and financial activities as the creation of new wealth, when in fact they should be classified as forms of social consumption that, like personal consumption, actually use up social wealth in the performance of their functions.

    Freemason is short for free and accepted Mason, a name acquired as a result of Freemasonry s successful fight for political and religious freedoms; to conceal Freemasonry s involvement in fomenting revolutions, secular history refers to Freemasons as freemen ; Freemasonry is not Christianity, but a universal religion of salvation by works without Christ; in Freemasonry, Solomon s Temple secretly represents the Tower of Babel; thus, Freemasonry is both anti-Semitic and anti-Christian; a discussion of the bitter conflict between English (pantheistic) Freemasonry and French (atheistic) Freemasonry; sub-Masonic lodges for both male and female membership; degrees of initiation and knowledge; Masonry and conspiracy; Masonic propaganda; how Christians are deceived.

    

    Rich in detail and teeming with anecdotes, the book profiles the people who made the headlines and the events that shaped world affairs for most of the century.

    In this revised edition, Pulitzer Prize-winning writer and editor Harry S. Ashmore assesses the ideological impasses that limited Bill Clinton's effort to reinstate activist government in Washington and offers a penetrating analysis of the 1996 election.

    The book shows the connection between the crisis of health care and the correlation of class forces in America. Addresses one of the key areas of contemporary public policy in the US, challenging complacent assumptions and demonstrating the enduring popularity of the welfare state The author was part of the Clinton team responsible for health reform

    Beginning with the 1960s, Seidman shows how both authoritarian states promoted specific rapid-industrialization strategies, in the process reshaping the working class and altering relationships between business and the state. When economic growth slowed in the 1970s, workers in these countries challenged social and political repression; by the mid-1980s, they had become major voices in the transition from authoritarian rule.Based in factories and working-class communities, these movements enjoyed broad support as they fought for improved social services, land reform, expanding electoral participation, and racial integration.In Brazil, Seidman takes us from the shopfloor, where disenfranchized workers organized for better wages and working conditions, to the strikes and protests that spread to local communities. Similar demands for radical change emerged in South Africa, where community groups in black townships joined organized labor in a challenge to minority rule that linked class consciousness to racial oppression. Seidman details the complex dynamics of these militant movements and develops a broad analysis of how newly industrializing countries shape the opportunities for labor to express demands. Her work will be welcomed by those interested in labor studies, social theory, and the politics of newly industrializing regions.

    They address important issues of the mid-nineteenth century in philosophy, science, economics, and politics. Cumulatively, these letters provide a humanistic view of Western Europe and its social problems. They add valuable perspective to what we know about the work of Mill and Comte, in a critical period of English and French thought.The correspondence begins with an admiring letter from Mill who considers himself a positivist at the tune and writes to Comte as to an elder colleague. A close friendship developed, in the course of which they discussed matters of common concern. Their understanding extends to personal experiences, including their respective mental crises at an early age. The opinions expressed about their contemporaries are significant and include comments on Thomas Carlyle, John and Sarah Austin, and Alexander Bain, on philosophers and major authors in France, Germany, and Italy. Mill and Comte eventually encountered issues on which they could not come to consensus, especially the equality of women. While Mill was an ardent defender of women's rights, Comte supported the traditional hierarchy that endowed men with social and political superiority.According to Jerome H. Buckley, Gurner Professor of English Literature Emeritus at Harvard University, "The correspondence of Mill and Comte, now available for the first time in English translation, is a remarkable intellectual exchange, a dialogue of real significance in the history of ideas." This volume will be of great interest to philosophers, historians, economists, women's studies scholars, and political scientists.

    By grounding his actions in a generous philosophy of the nation he was able to wed boldness to insight: on 14 June 1940 he appointed himself leader of the free French, disregarding the overwhelming parliamentary and legal mandate according to Petain. This intuitive action was to be resoundingly vindicated in the resistance and liberation of France.This study of De Gaulle is offered as an indictment of the shallowness of contemporary politics in the West. For Debray, De Gaulle is not only the last statesman in the classic mould, he is also the first to anticipate the politics of the twenty-first century. De Gaulle’s aloofness from the media and disdain for the base arts of electioneering have an exemplary quality, Debray believes, reaffirming the vocation of political leadership as something other than adapting to popular preferences or allowing professional communicators and opinion pollsters to set every agenda.

    

    

    

    Covert popular opposition in the form of humorous resistance was wider spread than is commonly thought. Embracing jokes, stories and 60 cartoons, this is the only collection in English of underground anti-Nazi humour. It is, as such, an invaluable contribution to the social history of twentieth century Germany.

    Anna Marie Smith analyzes two key moments in New Right discourse: the speeches of Enoch Powell on black immigration (1968-72) and the legislative campaign of the late 1980s to prohibit the promotion of homosexuality. She challenges the silence on issues of race and sexuality in previous studies of Thatcherism and the New Right, and offers a devastating critique of racism and homophobia in late-twentieth-century Britain.