An eloquent document of the civil rights movement that remains a work of profound social relevance 25 years after it was first published.

    The Death of a President, November 20-November 25, 1963 [Hardcover]

    Published in early 1968, it both kindled and colored the May 1968 upheavals in France, which captured the attention of the world. Naming and defining the alienating features of everyday life in consumer society: survival rather than living in full, the call to sacrifice, the cultivation of false needs, the dictatorship of the commodity, subjection to social roles, and the replacement of God by the economy, the book argues that the countervailing impulses that exist within deep alienation - creativity, spontaneity, poetry present an authentic alternative to nilhilistic consumerism. This carefully edited new translation marks the first North American publication of this important work and includes a new preface by the author.

    It was as an orator that Churchill became most completely alive, and it was through his oratory that his words made their greatest and most enduring impact. While the definitive collection of Churchill's speeches fills eight volumes, here for the first time, his grandson, Winston S. Churchill, has put together a personal selection of his favorite speeches in a single, indispensable volume. He has chosen from his grandfather's entire output and thoughtfully introduces each selection. The book covers the whole of Churchill's life, from the very first speech he made to those of his last days. It includes some of Churchill's best-known speeches as well as some that have never before been published in popular form. Today, Sir Winston Churchill is revered as an indomitable figure and his wisdom is called upon again and again. Reading these speeches, from the perspective of a new century, we can once again see Sir Winston Churchill's genius and be moved and inspired by his words.

    Schelling considers the ways in which military capabilities—real or imagined—are used as bargaining power.  This edition contains a new foreword by the author where he considers the book’s relevance over forty years after its first publication.  Included as an afterword is the text of Professor Schelling’s Nobel acceptance speech in which he reflects upon the global taboo that has emerged against nuclear weapons since Hiroshima."This is a brilliant and hardheaded book.  It will frighten those who prefer not to dwell on the unthinkable and infuriate those who have taken refuge in stereotypes and moral attitudinizing."—Gordon A. Craig, New York Times Book ReviewThomas C. Schelling is Distinguished University Professor, Department of Economics and School of Public Affairs, University of Maryland and Lucius N. Littauer Professor of Political Economy, Emeritus, Harvard University. He is co-recipient of the 2005 Nobel Prize in Economics. The Henry L. Stimson Lectures Series

    Long out of print, this collection of early, seminal essays helped to establish Chomsky as a leading critic of United States foreign policy. These pages mount a scathing critique of the contradictions of the war, and an indictment of the mainstream, liberal intellectuals—the “new mandarins”—who furnished what Chomsky argued was the necessary ideological cover for the horrors visited on the Vietnamese people.As America’s foreign entanglements deepen by the month, Chomsky’s lucid analysis is a sobering reminder of the perils of imperial diplomacy. With a new foreword by Howard Zinn, author of A People’s History of the United States, American Power and the New Mandarins is a renewed call for independent analysis of America’s role in the world.

    Each volume helps the reader to encounter the original work more fully by placing it in historical context, focusing on the important aspects of the text, and posing key questions.Monarch Notes include: Background on the author and the work Detailed plot summary Character anaylsis Major themes in the work Critical reception of the work Questions and model answers Guides to further study

    In it he discusses the intense, nation-wide debate on the ratification of the constitution, stressing the continuities between that struggle over the foundations of the national government and the original principles of the Revolution. This study of the persistence of the nation's ideological origins adds a new dimension to the book and projects its meaning forward into vital present concerns.

    

    

    The product of a lifetime of struggle and reflection, Cruse's book is a singular amalgam of cultural history, passionate disputation, and deeply considered analysis of the relationship between American blacks and American society. Reviewing black intellectual life from the Harlem Renaissance through the 1960s, Cruse discusses the legacy (and offers memorably acid-edged portraits) of figures such as Paul Robeson, Lorraine Hansberry, and James Baldwin, arguing that their work was marked by a failure to understand the specifically American character of racism in the United States. This supplies the background to Cruse's controversial critique of both integrationism and black nationalism and to his claim that black Americans will only assume a just place within American life when they develop their own distinctive centers of cultural and economic influence. For Cruse's most important accomplishment may well be his rejection of the clich?s of the melting pot in favor of a vision of Americanness as an arena of necessary and vital contention, an open and ongoing struggle.

    From its publication amid the social upheavals of the 1960s up to the present, the volatile theses of this book have decisively transformed debates on the shape of modernity, capitalism and everyday life in the late twentieth century. Now finally available in a superb English translation approved by the author, Debord's text remains as crucial as ever for understanding the contemporary effects of power, which are increasingly inseparable from the new virtual worlds of our rapidly changing image/information culture.

    In the turmoil of the Russian insurrection of 1905 and civil war of 1917, the anarchists attempted to carry out their program of “direct action”—workers’ control of production, the creation of free rural and urban communes, and partisan warfare against the enemies of a free society.Avrich consulted published material in five languages and anarchist archives worldwide to present a picture of the philosophers, bomb throwers, peasants, and soldiers who fought and died for the freedom of “Mother Russia.” Including the influence and ideas of Bakunin and Kropotkin, the armed uprisings of Makhno, the activities of Volin, Maximoff, and the attempted aid of Berkman and Emma Goldman.Paul Avrich is a retired professor of history at Queens College.

    This book is both an accessible overview of an important thinker and an unsurpassed introduction to his thought.

    Drawn from primary Malay-language sources, long periods of residence in Malay households, and first-hand interviews, it is required reading for scholars seeking to explain major events in Malay history. A new Preface by the author sets the book in its historical context.

    

    Easton and Guddat’s translations are based on the best German editions and on the study of original manuscripts and first editions. A substantial Introduction and detailed analytical headnotes indicate the significance and historical setting of each selection, as well as its relationship to Marx's other writings. With one exception (Defense of the Moselle Correspondent) each article, chapter, or book section is presented in its entirety, without internal deletions.

    He argues that To understand the war, we must understand America-and, in doing so, we must understand that racism in the United States created a climate in which it was difficult for Americans to understand what they were doing in Vietnam. According to Russell, it was this same racism that provoked a barbarous, chauvinist outcry when American pilots who have bombed hospitals, schools, dykes, and civilian centres are accused of committing war crimes. Even today, more than forty years later, this chauvinist moral blindness permitted John McCain to run for President effectively unchallenged when he gloried in his exploits in bombing the Vietnamese.

    Mowat unfolds the geography, history, flora and fauna, and human civilization of the whole region.

    It is primarily a conceptual analysis, not a historical study of the way in which representative government has evolved, nor yet an empirical investigation of the behavior of contemporary representatives or the expectations voters have about them. Yet, although the book is about a word, it is not about mere words, not merely about words. For the social philosopher, for the social scientist, words are not "mere"; they are the tools of his trade and a vital part of his subject matter. Since human beings are not merely political animals but also language-using animals, their behavior is shaped by their ideas. What they do and how they do it depends upon how they see themselves and their world, and this in turn depends upon the concepts through which they see. Learning what "representation" means and learning how to represent are intimately connected. But even beyond this, the social theorist sees the world through a network of concepts. Our words define and delimit our world in important ways, and this is particularly true of the world of human and social things. For a zoologist may capture a rare specimen and simply observe it; but who can capture an instance of representation (or of power, or of interest)? Such things, too, can be observed, but the observation always presupposes at least a rudimentary conception of what representation (or power, or interest) is, what counts as representation, where it leaves off and some other phenomenon begins. Questions about what representation is, or is like, are not fully separable from the question of what "representation" means. This book approaches the former questions by way of the latter.

    Thompson’s massively influential text, Time, Work-discipline and Industrial Capitalism, draws direct relationships between socio-economic changes and clock time. The paper raises and attempts to answer a string of questions about the role(s) played by clock time in the modernization of western European (and especially British) society. Attaching particular importance to the period from the late eighteenth century, it is arguably one of the most influential historical papers of the late twentieth century, being influential not just among historians but within many other disciplines as well (as its prominence in citation indices across the humanities and social sciences makes clear).

    Fanny Lou Hamer, Civil Rights activist from Mississippi, that was recorded on tape and edited by Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) members Julius Lester and Mary Varela. This book describes life as a sharecropper in the Deep South during the Jim Crow Era and includes black and white photographs. It is a contemporaneous account of Mrs. Hamer's Civil Rights activism.

    

    

    Of the many books that challenged the Vietnam War, Howard Zinn’s stands out as one of the best—and most influential. It helped sparked national debate on the war. It includes a powerful speech written by Zinn that President Johnson should have given to lay out the case for ending the war. Includes a new introduction by the author.

    

    

    ForewordRACISTS: Nazis; National States Rights Party; Odin Speed to Valhalla; Ku Klux Klan; Citizens' CouncilsFAR RIGHT: Armed Right; Proselytizers; Birchers & Others; Christian Right; EducatorsNATIONALISTS: Black Nationalists; Separatism, Large & Small LEFT REVOLUTIONISTS: CPUSA: Loneliness of the True Belivers; Dissenters on the Left; New LeftMODERATE LEFT: Democratic Socialism; Peace Movement INDEPENDENTS: From Prohibition to KrajewskiFARTHER SHORES OF POLITICS: American Political Fringe Today APPENDICES: Attorney General's List; Ku Klux Klan Organization; Presidential Elections 1864-1980NotesIndex

    

    Contains stories by Victor Kolpacoff, Grace Paley, Mordecai Richler, William Mathes, Philip Roth, Ronald Sukenick, Keith Botsford and William H. Gass; essays by Stanley Kauffmann, Theodore Roszak, Richard Gilman, Benjamin DeMott, George Dennison, Norman Martien and Conor Cruise O'Brien; poems by Anna Akhmatova, John Ashvery, Millen Brand, Helen S. Chasin, William Leo Coakley, Sister Madeline De Frees, Alan Dugan, Richard Eberhart, Louise Gluck, Robert Graves, Barbara Howes, John Okai, David Ray and Anne Sexton.

    the Socialist Party, the Communist Party--as well as the various splinter and sectarian groups and personalities; and while many details have been added by more specialized studies, to historical outline as presented in this monograph remains untouched. second, and perhaps more important, the theoretical and interpretative framework presented in this essay has influenced many of the subsequent studies in the field, and this may be its enduring contribution.

    Mini-biographies of other famous Americans are included throughout the books. Numerous color and black-and-white pictures and illustrations are included.

    Juan Bosch, former President of the Dominican Republic, documents the frightening and potentially disastrous new phase that American imperialism has entered, a phase which he calls "pentagonism."The old imperialism—exploitation of raw materials and of colonies—has been replaced by a new kind of imperialism: the pentagonist mother country exploits her own people in order to insure the aims of an economy permanently geared to war. The people are exploited as a source of labor and of taxes, which in turn assure that men and war material will be wasted in an endless cycle which profits only the military-industrial complex.Dr. Bosch ruthlessly examines United States policy in Vietnam, Cuba, and the Dominican Republic; he discusses pentagonism's methods of justifying its actions to the American people; and he documents the takeover of American industry by military interests.

    Colver Lectures, Brown University 1965."An astonishing range of reading in contemporary tracts and modern authorities is manifest, and many aspects of British and colonial affairs are illuminated. As a political analysis this very important contribution will be hard to refute...."—Frederick B. Tolles, Political Science Quarterly"He produces historical analysis which is as revealing to the political scientist or sociologist as to the historian, of the significance of social and cultural forces on political changes in eighteenth-century America."—John D. Lees, Cambridge University Press"...these well-argued essays represent the first sustained and systematic attempt to provide a comprehensive and integrated analysis of all elements of American political life during the late colonial period...the author has once again put all students concerned with colonial America heavily in his intellectual debt."—Jack P. Greene, The New York Historical Society Quarterly"...Mr. Bailyn brings to his effort a splendid gift for pertinent curiosity. What he has found, and what patterns he has made of his findings, light our way through his longitudes and latitudes of scholarly precision."—Charles Poore, The New York Times

    A close adviser to Pres. Abraham Lincoln, he served as U.S. Secretary of State (1861-1869). He helped prevent foreign recognition of the Confederacy and obtained settlement in the Trent Affair.

    Rather than mining The Peloponnesian War to speculate on its layers of composition or second-guess its accuracy, it treated it as a work of art deserving rhetorical and aesthetic analysis. Ahead of its time in its sophisticated focus upon the verbal texture of narrative, it proved that a literary approach offered the most productive and nuanced way to study Thucydides. Still in print in the original French, the book has influenced numerous Classicists and historians, and is now available in English for the first time in a careful translation by Elizabeth Trapnell Rawlings. The Cornell edition includes an introduction by Hunter R. Rawlings III and Jeffrey Rusten tracing the context of this book's original publication and its continuing influence on the study of Thucydides.Romilly shows that Thucydides constructs his account of the Peloponnesian War as a profoundly intellectual experience for readers who want to discern the patterns underlying historical events. Employing a commanding logic that exercises total control over the data of history, Thucydides uses rigorous principles of selection, suggestive juxtapositions, and artfully opposed speeches to reveal systematic relationships between plans and outcomes, impose meaning on the smallest events, and insist on the constant battle between intellect and chance. Thucydides' mind found in unity and coherence its ideal of historical truth.

    They are now collected in this anthology in their original form.