Martin Luther King, Jr., isolated himself from the demands of the civil rights movement, rented a house in Jamaica with no telephone, and labored over his final manuscript. In this prophetic work, which has been unavailable for more than ten years, he lays out his thoughts, plans, and dreams for America's future, including the need for better jobs, higher wages, decent housing, and quality education. With a universal message of hope that continues to resonate, King demanded an end to global suffering, asserting that humankind-for the first time-has the resources and technology to eradicate poverty.

    With clarity, perspective, and cumulative impact, Professor Quigley examines the nature of that transition through two world wars and a worldwide economic depression. As an interpretative historian, he tries to show each event in the full complexity of its historical context. The result is a unique work, notable in several ways. It gives a picture of the world in terms of the influence of different cultures and outlooks upon each other; it shows, more completely than in any similar work, the influence of science and technology on human life; and it explains, with unprecedented clarity, how the intricate financial and commercial patterns of the West prior to 1914 influenced the development of today's world.

    Bowen evokes it as if the reader were actually there, mingling with the delegates, hearing their arguments, witnessing a dramatic moment in history.Here is the fascinating record of the hot, sultry summer months of debate and decision when ideas clashed and tempers flared. Here is the country as it was then, described by contemporaries, by Berkshire farmers in Massachusetts, by Patrick Henry's Kentucky allies, by French and English travelers. Here, too, are the offstage voices--Thomas Jefferson and Tom Paine and John Adams from Europe. In all, fifty-five men attended; and in spite of the heat, in spite of clashing interests--the big states against the little, the slave states against the anti-slave states--in tension and anxiety that mounted week after week, they wrote out a working plan of government and put their signatures to it.

    Perhaps most important, he demonstrates that not only the impetus toward a totalitarian regime but also the egalitarian impulse in democratic societies are alike in being rooted in envy.

    This landmark text by Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy is a classic of twentieth-century radical thought, a hugely influential book that continues to shape our understanding of modern capitalism.

    Written in poetic prose, the narrative is as evocative as the other volumes and transports the reader to ages gone by, to the hillocks and forts of Chitradurga.

    Ellul's answer to that question, though based on events recorded in the Second Book of Kings, is immediately relevant to contemporary issues and to the church today. Emerging from these reflections is an eloquent testimony to the immense love of God -which not only creates and saves, but which also in its incomprehensible humility wants to associate man with its work.

    This is it, the 1st since the official & monumental study by Monypenny & Buckle which appeared deecades ago. Blake deals with Disraeli's political style & above all with the legend that he was moved by a consistent philosophy of Tory radicalism which he conceived in his youth & later put into practice. In place of this, he presents a man moved far less by principle than by sheer zest for "the great game", loving power & skillfully maneuvering to get & hold it. Paradoxically, Blake shows how this may have made him far more effective in steering the Tory party into new paths than any man of principle could have been. Disraeli presents a lively portrait of an extraordinary man & of his age. Without ever deviating far from his subject, Blake illuminates the whole arena of Victorian politics. The character he presents is more subtle & fascinating than the conventional image. Altho his origins were less obscure than he liked people to believe, his youth was extraordinarily disreputable for a future Prime Minister & an aura of raffishness hindered him until late in his career. The book follows Disraeli's slow climb to power from the time when the young novelist & dandy failed repeatedly to get into Parliament at all, thru his period as a neglected backbencher until finally achieving the Leadership of the Tory Party in the House of Commons &, late in life, becoming Victoria's confidant & perhaps most favored Prime Minister. Many characters crowd into the book: the brilliant young men of "Young England"; Disraeli's family, friends, wife & mistresses; his colleagues & opponents in parliament, including Peel, whom he destroyed as an effective political leader, & Gladstone, who hated him; Queen Victoria, whose relationship with him verges on the comic to those reading it some generations later; & the great landed families into whose society Disraeli was finally admitted. A whole vanished world comes to life in this book. In its center stands the brilliant, enigmatic figure of one who was perhaps the most atypical inhabitant, but who has come to symbolize, for Americans at least, the Victorian Age.

    By the author of Plausible Denial. Reprint.

    Walter Crocker, the Australian high commissioner to India, admired Nehru the man—his grace, style, intelligence and energy—and was deeply critical of many of his political decisions—the invasion of Goa, India’s Kashmir policy, the Five Year Plans. This book, written shortly after Nehru’s death, is full of invaluable first hand observations about the man and his politics. Many of Crocker’s points, too—especially the implications of the Five Year Plans and of the introduction of democracy to India—are particularly relevant today.

    William Fulbright discusses the arrogance of power.

    This is the sequel to Hosa Hagalu, that saw Bharamappa Nayaka, ascend the throne of Chitradurga. The present volume narrates how the peace seeking Bharamappa Nayaka is driven to war due to the political upheaval of the time. The fauzdar of Seerya, a feudatory of the Mughals, seeks to subdue Chitradurga by threat of force and is rebuffed by a proud Chitradurga. Ultimately, Seerya has to extend an arm of friendship in order to take on militant Maratha bands that are looting and terrorising the countryside. The armies of Chitradurga effectively rout the wayward bands. Elements of hindu-muslim unity and a romantic tale of a muslim singer and a French soldier are woven into the narrative.

    This carefully revised edition not only brings the original analysis up to date but adds two entirely new chapters: one on terrorism, the most celebrated form of political violence throughout the 1970s, and one on theories of revolution from Brinton to the present day.

    "A landmark in comparative history and a challenge to scholars of all lands who are trying to learn how we arrived at where we are now." -The New York Times Book Review

    The volume offers a deep history of how the terms of contemporary debate over the future of black Americans were formed. The writings assembled here reveal a tension and a thread between two essential poles of thought. These include those voices that clearly projected civic assimilation as the goal of black aspiration, and those who described how this aim would be achieved, as well as nationalist or separatist voices that despaired of ever having a dignified future in a biracial society. These two positions reflect the most fundamental questions faced by any minority group. In his forceful and courageous introduction to this new edition, Howard Brotz relates the thoughts and reflections of these black thinkers to the social and political situation of blacks in America today and argues against the political orthodoxy and sociological determinism that perpetuates the image of the black as a perennial and passive victim. In the scope and quality of its contents, African-American Social and Political Thought is a unique, invaluable source book for cultural historians, sociologists, and students of black history.

    Extensively researched. Greene includes an extensive collection of quotes by US French and Vietnamese government entities and political figures. Written in 1966, it's amazing how much information was actually accessible at the time but that was somehow unnoticed by so many people. There are lots of photographs too, but the real impressive stuff is the historical facts and discussion of the circumstance that Greene supplies. He even provides the the Summery of the Ten-Point Program of the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (announced as of December 20, 1960) and the Four Points of the Democratic Republic of Vientam (1965). Over all a fascinating time capsule.

    This Elibron Classics book is a facsimile reprint of a 1892 edition by Longmans, Green, and Co., London and New York.

    

    Contentspart I Theory of consumer behavior and demandpart II Theory of production and costpart III Theory of the firm and market organizationpart IV Theory of distributionpart V Theory of general equilibrium and economic welfare

    A detailed analysis and description of events during the leadership of Pierre Mendez-France and the crisis that led to the return of Charles de Gaulle

    

    

    If Lens--concentrating on what radicals actually accomplish, rather than what they propose-- chooses to see their role "as an antidote to privilege," that is his privilege. Certainly one cannot argue with his proposition that it has been radicals, above all, who have been the "motor force" of American history, or his reiterated opinion that persons as richly individual as Sam Adams, Fanny Wright, John Brown, Gene Debs, Big Bill Haywood & A.J. Muste have as many similarities as differences. This was an ambitious undertaking, amounting to little less than a retelling of the political story of our nation, & Sidney Lens has encompassed his project more successfully than could have been expected. In line with his consistent emphasis upon connective rather than distinctive features of each age & movement, he has been able to treat touchy subjects--the Communist Party, for instance--as comprehendingly as safe ones. He has also managed to provide broad guidelines & some focus for understanding the as-yet unfinished stories of the Civil Rights & Peace movements, & the New Left. A vigorous job.--Kirkus (edited)

    

    When the war broke out, it was he who fired the first shot at Fort Sumter, and when his cause failed, he died by his own hand. Edmund Ruffin, Southerner: A Study in Secession treats him not so much as an individual as the archetype of the emotional Southern radical of his era.

    The transcript of the essential courtroom testimony is presented here, with Introduction and commentary by the noted scholar Max Hayward, of St. Antony's College, Oxford. This was the first time in the history of the Soviet Union that writers had been put on trial for what they had written. Many others were imprisoned, banished or executed, but never after a trial in which the principal evidence against them was their literary work. The trial opened on February 10, 1966, and continued for four days. At the end, the two brave writers were sentenced to seven and five years' hard labor, respectively. The transcript of the trail reached the West by undisclosed channels. Also included is the article from the Literary Gazette that presented the prosecution's case accusing Sinyavsky and Daniel of undermining the Soviet state. Here in essence is the testimony of the individual who feels his freedom to think and to express his thought is more important than his life.

    

    He was the son of missionaries and born in Katanga, Belgian Congo.He enlisted in the Royal Navy at the start of the Second World War. After the war he returned to England to study at Trinity Hall, Cambridge. After graduation he worked for the Hudson's Bay Company in Vancouver. There he was married and became an Anglican priest. He subsequently went as a missionary to the Yukon. They returned to England in 1963 where he became vicar at St John's, Greengates, Bradford. He was then offered a place at Dordt College, Iowa, where he became professor of History and Sociology.

    It doesn't read like nonfiction. The author is a gifted, enthusiastic raconteur & his view of Latin America is deeply sympathetic, influenced only casually by his being German. His opinions are those of almost any informed, liberal European--or American, for that matter. Too long held back by their upper classes & foreign investors, he sees the common people of South & Central America ready to seize their rights, by violence if need be, with the help of Cuba & China if no better path is clear. With brief exceptions of FDR's & JFK's administrations, US policy has been anything but enlightened. Ranging freely from country to country, from ancient to colonial to contemporary history, weaving in his own 1st-hand reports, Wendt has managed to make his points with clearer & fresher effect than most, blending the readability of travelogue with the authority of serious social, political & economic analysis.--Kirkus (edited)Three revolutions Hurricane over the CaribbeanBanana republics Heritage of Simón BolívarOn the ruins of the Inca empireUndefeated condor Lightning on the La Plata Brazil-a world in itself

    Purchasers can download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1847 Excerpt: ... INTRODUCTION INQUIRIES INTO POLITICAL ECONOMY. The first attention of society must be given to the securing of its material interests, of its subsistence; and we wish to endeavour to discover what path must be followed in order that the material wealth which labour creates may procure and maintain the greatest well-being for all: it is this, which, according to the etymology of the word, we call political economy, for it is the law or the rule of the house or of the city. Let us not be reproached with lowering man to the level of the brutes by proposing, as the first object of his efforts, the direction of that labour which secures his subsistence, in calling the attention of society, before everything else, to advantages simply material: it will soon be seen that, more thnn any of our forerunners, we consider political economy in its relations with the soul, and with the intellect. But subsistence is necessary to life, and with life, to all the moral developments, all the intellectual developments, of which the human race is susceptible. Society, as well as individuals, must consider bodily health before any thing else, must provide in the first place for its wants and its development; for without the vigour which this health supplies, without the leisure, which only begins when these wants are satisfied, the health of the mind is impossible. Facts present themselves on every side to convince us that the manner in which society provides for its subsistence, decides at the same time on the wretchedness or comfort of the greatest number; on the health, the beauty, the vigour of the race, or its degeneracy; on the feelings of sympathy or jealousy with which fellow men look upon one another as brothers eager to assist one another, or as rivals furious to dest...