Martin Luther King’s classic exploration of the events and forces behind the Civil Rights Movement—including his Letter from Birmingham Jail, April 16, 1963.“There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair.”In 1963, Birmingham, Alabama, was perhaps the most racially segregated city in the United States. The campaign launched by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Civil Rights movement on the segregated streets of Birmingham demonstrated to the world the power of nonviolent direct action.In this remarkable book—winner of the Nobel Peace Prize—Dr. King recounts the story of Birmingham in vivid detail, tracing the history of the struggle for civil rights back to its beginnings three centuries ago and looking to the future, assessing the work to be done beyond Birmingham to bring about full equality for African Americans. Above all, Dr. King offers an eloquent and penetrating analysis of the events and pressures that propelled the Civil Rights movement from lunch counter sit-ins and prayer marches to the forefront of American consciousness.Since its publication in the 1960s, Why We Can’t Wait has become an indisputable classic. Now, more than ever, it is an enduring testament to the wise and courageous vision of Martin Luther King, Jr.Includes photographs and an afterword by Reverend Jesse L. Jackson, Sr.

    Kennedy was passionate about the issue of immigration reform. He believed that America is a nation of people who value both tradition and the exploration of new frontiers, people who deserve the freedom to build better lives for themselves in their adopted homeland. This modern edition of his posthumously published, timeless work—with a new introduction by Senator Edward M. Kennedy and a foreword by Abraham H. Foxman, national director of the Anti-Defamation League—offers the late president's inspiring suggestions for immigration policy and presents a chronology of the main events in the history of immigration in America.As continued debates on immigration engulf the nation, this paean to the importance of immigrants to our nation's prominence and success is as timely as ever.

    In The Paranoid Style in American Politics, acclaimed historian Richard Hofstadter examines the competing forces in American political discourse and how fringe groups can influence — and derail — the larger agendas of a political party. He investigates the politics of the irrational, shedding light on how the behavior of individuals can seem out of proportion with actual political issues, and how such behavior impacts larger groups. With such other classic essays as “Free Silver and the Mind of 'Coin' Harvey” and “What Happened to the Antitrust Movement?”, The Paranoid Style in American Politics remains both a seminal text of political history and a vital analysis of the ways in which political groups function in the United States."Recent months have witnessed an attack of unprecedented passion and ferocity against the national government. The Republican Party has apparently embarked on a crusade to destroy national standards, national projects, and national regulations and to transfer domestic governing authority from the national government to the states. A near majority of the Supreme Court even seems to want to replace the Constitution by the Articles of Confederation…"Unbridled rhetoric is having consequences far beyond anything that antigovernment politicians intend. The flow of angry words seems to have activated and in a sense legitimized what the historian Richard Hofstadter called the 'paranoid strain' in American politics." - Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Wall Street Journal, June 7, 1995

    These pieces display the genesis of some of Fanon’s greatest ideas — ideas that became so vital to the leaders of the American civil rights movement.

    The place is the Cabinet Room of the White House. An unexpected accident and the law of succession have just made Douglass Dilman the first black President of the United States.This is the theme of what was surely one of the most provocative novels of the 1960s. It takes the reader into the storm center of the presidency, where Dilman, until now an almost unknown senator, must bear the weight of three burdens: his office, his race, and his private life.From beginning to end, The Man is a novel of swift and tremendous drama, as President Dilman attempts to uphold his oath in the face of international crises, domestic dissension, violence, scandal, and ferocious hostility. Push comes to shove in a breathtaking climax, played out in the full glare of publicity, when the Senate of the United States meets for the first time in one hundred years to impeach the President.

    Besides the full text and illustrations of the original, this new and expanded edition includes 32 pages of additional material: a new introduction and updated bibliography by old-time Wobbly organizer and scholar Fred Thompson; an informative essay on Wobbly cartoons and cartoonists by Franklin Rosemont; more than 3 dozen additional cartoons and drawings and a useful index. 450 oversize pages crammed with the Wobblies in all their glory! [Not even the doughtiest of capitalism's defenders can read these pages without understanding how much glory and nobility there was in the IWW story, and how much shame for the nation that treated the Wobblies so shabbily. [NY Times Book Review on the 1964 edition]

    

    In this volume, comprising the four works generally considered his most important publications, Lenin presents the goals and tactics of communism with remarkable directness and forcefulness.His first major work was The Development of Capitalism in Russia, written in prison after Lenin had been arrested for anti-government activities in 1895. Represented here by key sections, the book developed a number of crucial concepts, including the significance of the industrial proletariat as a revolutionary base. What Is to Be Done?, long regarded as the key manual of communist action, is presented complete, containing Lenin's famous dissection of the Western idea of the political party along with his own concept of a monolithic party organization devoted to achieving the goal of dictatorship of the proletariat. Also presented complete is Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, in which Lenin examines the final "parasitic" stage of capitalism. Finally, this volume includes the complete text of The State and Revolution, Lenin's most significant work, in which he totally rejects the institution of Western democracy and presents his vision of the final perfection of communism.

    Together, the essays constitute a brilliant attempt to use classical political philosophy as a means of liberating modern political philosophy from the stranglehold of ideology. The essays are based on a long and intimate familiarity with the works, but the essay on Aristotle is especially important as one of Strauss's few writings on the philosopher who largely shaped Strauss's conception of antiquity. The essay on Plato is a full-scale discussion of Platonic political philosophy, wide in scope yet compact in execution. When discussing Thucydides, Strauss succeeds not only in presenting the historian as a moral thinker of high rank, but in drawing his thought into the orbit of philosophy, and thus indicating a relation of history and philosophy that does not presuppose the absorption of philosophy by history.

    Demonstrating how empirical and flexible the Labor Party has been about certain issues, this reference also touches on how it is one of the most dogmatic political parties in regards to the parliamentary system. Commenting on why its leaders have always made devotion to this system their fixed point of reference, this political overview proves that this has always been the conditioning factor of their political behavior, as they consistently reject any kind of political action which has fallen outside the framework and conventions of Parliament. Stating that there is no distinction to be made between Labor’s political and industrial leaders, this study illustrates the party as it is now and has always been—one of modest social reform in a capitalist system within whose confines it is ever more firmly and by now irrevocably rooted.

    He aims to recover Shakespeare's ideas and beliefs and to make his work once again a recognized source for the serious study of moral and political problems.In essays looking at Julius Caesar, Othello, and The Merchant of Venice, Bloom shows how Shakespeare presents a picture of man that does not assume privileged access for only literary criticism. With this claim, he argues that political philosophy offers a comprehensive framework within which the problems of the Shakespearean heroes can be viewed. In short, he argues that Shakespeare was an eminently political author. Also included is an essay by Harry V. Jaffa on the limits of politics in King Lear."A very good book indeed . . . one which can be recommended to all who are interested in Shakespeare." —G. P. V. Akrigg"This series of essays reminded me of the scope and depth of Shakespeare's original vision. One is left with the impression that Shakespeare really had figured out the answers to some important questions many of us no longer even know to ask."-Peter A. Thiel, CEO, PayPal, Wall Street JournalAllan Bloom was the John U. Nef Distinguished Service Professor on the Committee on Social Thought and the co-director of the John M. Olin Center for Inquiry into the Theory and Practice of Democracy at the University of Chicago. Harry V. Jaffa is professor emeritus at Claremont McKenna College and Claremont Graduate School.

    In this book he sets out his personal philosophy, which he terms "consciencism," and which has provided the intellectual framework for his political action.Why "consciencism"? The answer is that in this concept Dr. Nkrumah draws together strands from the three main traditions that make up the African conscience: the Euro-Christian, the Islamic, and the Original African. He characterizes traditional African society as essentially egalitarian and argues that a new African philosophy must draw its nourishment chiefly from African roots. But he reviews Western philosophy in some detail to illustrate the thesis that philosophy, however academic, is always trying, explicitly or implicitly, to say something about society. In this relevance of philosophy to society, and to social and political action in particular, that chiefly interest him.Dr. Nkrumah shows how his philosophical beliefs are related to special problems of "the African Revolution," and states his case for socialism as the most valid expression of the African conscience at the present time.

    It contains answers by the prophets of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints to many of the questions and problems facing the nation today.The book is well footnoted throughout by knowledgeable and distinguished civic and national leaders who corroborate the words of the prophets.Some of the timely subjects discussed in the book are: Morality — Spirituality — Religion; Church and State; Free Enterprise and Capitalism; The American Republic; Communism — An International Criminal Conspiracy: The Welfare State — Creeping Socialism; American Foreign Policy; War and Peace; Capital Punishment; Birth Control; and many others.Prophets, Principles and National Survival will stimulate and enlighten the reader as few books can. It represents the first time that the statements of the Church leaders have been compiled on subjects that are vital to the spiritual and temporal welfare of all loyal Americans. "We have lost the conflict so far waged. But there is time to win the final victory, if we sense our danger, and fight." J. REUBEN CLARK, JR. . . .from an address entitled "America Faces Freedom-Slavery Issue"

    Crane, founder and former president, the Cato Institute

     This book is a domestic chronicle of the incredible Bonaparte family, a greedy, amorous, quarrelsome and hot-blooded Corsican clan who provided nineteenth-century Europe — and America — not only with two French emperors, but also with a dazzling assortment of pretenders and parvenus, statesmen and eccentrics, great ladies and adventuresses. Plumped on to the thrones of Europe by the career of Napoleon I, who probably took better care of his family than any conqueror in history, the Bonapartes survived the wreck of the two empires they ruled, buzzing around the honeypots of the continent with all the persistence of the imperial bees of Napoleon's crest. This is a personal history, not a political one. It is the family, with its eccentricities, vulgarities and fascinations manifesting themselves in generation after generation, which holds the centre of the stage. The great political, economic and military events of the time are heard dimly as 'noises off'. Napoleon I himself appears as son, brother, husband, father and above all as founder of a dynasty, rather than as a great public figure. But about the family, its feuds, its treacheries, its love affairs, its moments of greatness and of human tragedy, Mr Aronson seems to have missed not one good story, from the squabbles of Napoleon's rebellious sisters over the carrying of Josephine's train, to Hitler's remarkable deal with Petain for the return of the body of the Duke of Reichstadt to his father's tomb in the Invalides. Mr Aronson paints his family portrait with a wealth of detail based on many years of research with historical documents and original records, letters, memoirs and family diaries — for, in the end, no one seems to have been able to tell quite such a lurid tale about a Bonaparte as another Bonaparte.

    

    This book is not only for Americans, but also for alert citizens of all nations since there is a Satanic plot afoot to destroy all free-thinking people whereever they may live in the world.

    Through studious research into past civilizations, Burnham diagnoses the 20th century and finds it afflicted with destructive, "suicidal" tendencies--all of which arise from the "Liberal syndrome" and its inherent implications.

    s/t: The Hopes & Purposes of President Kennedy's Second & Third Year in Office as Revealed in His Public Statements & Addresses

    This volume from the Cornell University Library's print collections was scanned on an APT BookScan and converted to JPG 2000 format by Kirtas Technologies. All titles scanned cover to cover and pages may include marks notations and other marginalia present in the original volume.

    It tries to present a third alternative road to be taken to the future of India rather than communism and capitalism. It pitches for a development paradigm based on the principles of India/Hinduism. It is the philosophy adopted by Bhartiya Janta Party.

    Published in 2 volumes: The Challenge ('59) which won the Bancroft Prize in History & The Struggle ('64). This masterwork traced the growth of two competing forces--ideas of democracy & equality, on one hand, & the growing power of aristocracies in society, on the other--& the extraordinary results of the collision between these forces, including both the American & French Revolutions. The book foreshadowed the development in the 1990s & early 2000s of ideas of Atlantic history & global history, & remains to this day a valuable resource for scholars. In 1971 he published a slightly revised & condensed version of the 2nd volume as The World of the French Revolution.

    The dramatic account of Faulk's six years on the blacklist and his lawsuit against AWARE.

    He was opposed with a bitterness and a violence that English politicians have not subsequently known. Yet he enjoyed eight and a half years of unbroken power, a period unequalled since Lord Liverpool in the 1820's. His Government was perhaps the most brilloiant in our history: Churchill and Lloyd George, Haldane and Morley, Rufus Isaacs and John Simon, Augustine Birrell and Edward Grey were amongst its members. Asquith held them all together with an easy authority. Calm, unruffled, dignified he seemed politically indestructable. Yet his fall in December 1916 was sudden and final.A fantastic portrait by a master politcal biographer.

    

    

    

    By Murray Bookchin - "Ecology and Revolutionary Thought" and "Toward a Revolutionary Ecology" ; By Ecology Action East - "The Power to Destroy - The Power to Create" and two leaflets "Buy Now...Die Later" & "The Funeral of Garbage".

    He becomes, therefore, an early behaviouralist and thus was at the forefront of the behaviourlist movement in political science. He sees the state as a progressive development towards and integration of concepts, ideas and disputes resolved.

    They show that 'capitalism' and 'democracy' - although widely held jointly to characterize Western society - are sharply contrasting systems regulating both the process of human development and the historical evolution of whole societies. They examine in detail the relationship between political theory and economics, and explore the multifaceted character of power in modern societies.

    

    

    

    

    Examines the methods of modern Rightist extremism and discusses how this ideology threatens America's security and integrity.

    

    While visiting cannibals on a small South Pacific island, the Vice President of the United States gets into a stew - literally - causing an international incident that only Leonard Wibberley could concoct.A Feast of Freedom is a brilliant spoof of international affairs - an irresistible blend of humor and satire that is as delightful, as timely, and as deliciously cunning as The Mouse That Roared.

    Macpherson was first published by the Clarendon Press in 1962, and remains of key importance to the study of liberal-democratic theory half-a-century later. In it, Macpherson argues that the chief difficulty of the notion of individualism that underpins classical liberalism lies in what he calls its "possessive quality"--"its conception of the individual as essentially the proprietor of his own person or capacities, owing nothing to society for them." Under such a conception, the essence of humanity becomes freedom from dependence on the wills of others; society is little more than a system of economic relations; and political society becomes a means of safeguarding private property and the system of economic relations rooted in property.As the New Statesman declared: "It is rare for a book to change the intellectual landscape. It is even more unusual for this to happen when the subject is one that has been thoroughly investigated by generations of historians. . . Until the appearance of Professor Macpherson's book, it seemed unlikely that anything radically new could be said about so well-worn a topic. The unexpected has happened, and the shock waves are still being absorbed."A new introduction by Frank Cunningham puts the work in a twenty-first-century context.

    Sadly, Nazism swallowed the German movement virtually whole -- and Wall Street, though in entirely different fashion, did the same to the American one.Torches Together is the story of a community that survived: the Bruderhof, a 75-year-old movement that began when writer Eberhard Arnold and his wife Emmy left Berlin life for the unknowns of an impoverished village.At first glance a memoir, Torches Together is a radical call to faith and commitment against great odds. It is also a remarkable testimony to the leading of the Spirit, which, as Arnold writes, can hold together those who believe in the "daily miracle" of community "through thick and thin".Lyn Baker, Logos JournalDetails in subdued and undramatic fashion how ordinary middle-class Christians were spurred by the Holy Spirit and the decadence of their culture to become lowly, dependent, and centered on God.

    

    Hale tells how the Nazi party developed its own insignificant party press into mass circulation newspapers, and how it forced the transfer of ownership of important papers to camouflaged holding companies controlled by the party's central publishing house.Contents: Introduction. I. The V�lkischer Beobachter--Central Organ of the Nazi Party. II. The Nazi Party Press, 1925-1933. III. The Organization of Total Control. IV. The Party and the Publishing Industry, 1933-1934. V. The Final Solution--The Amann Ordinances. VI. Political and Economic Cleansing of the Press. VII. The Captive Publishing Industry, 1936-1939. VIII. The German Press in Wartime. Index.Originally published in 1964.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.