Revisionist in nature, it reaches the conclusion that monarchy is a lesser evil than democracy, but outlines deficiencies in both. Its methodology is axiomatic-deductive, allowing the writer to derive economic and sociological theorems, and then apply them to interpret historical events.A compelling chapter on time preference describes the progress of civilization as lowering time preferences as capital structure is built, and explains how the interaction between people can lower time all around, with interesting parallels to the Ricardian Law of Association. By focusing on this transformation, the author is able to interpret many historical phenomena, such as rising levels of crime, degeneration of standards of conduct and morality, and the growth of the mega-state. In underscoring the deficiencies of both monarchy and democracy, the author demonstrates how these systems are both inferior to a natural order based on private-property.Hoppe deconstructs the classical liberal belief in the possibility of limited government and calls for an alignment of conservatism and libertarianism as natural allies with common goals. He defends the proper role of the production of defense as undertaken by insurance companies on a free market, and describes the emergence of private law among competing insurers.Having established a natural order as superior on utilitarian grounds, the author goes on to assess the prospects for achieving a natural order. Informed by his analysis of the deficiencies of social democracy, and armed with the social theory of legitimation, he forsees secession as the likely future of the US and Europe, resulting in a multitude of region and city-states. This book complements the author's previous work defending the ethics of private property and natural order. Democracy - The God that Failed will be of interest to scholars and students of history, political economy, and political philosophy.

    Khaled Abou El Fadl cites a series of injustices in Islamic society and ultimately proposes a return to the original ethics at the heart of the Muslim legal system.

    As a military aide to George Washington, forceful critic of the Articles of Confederation, persuasive proponent of ratification of the Constitution, first Secretary of the Treasury, and leader of the Federalist party, Hamilton devoted himself to the creation of a militarily and economically powerful American nation guided by a strong republican government. His public and private writings demonstrate the perceptive intelligence, confident advocacy, driving ambition, and profound concern for honor and reputation that contributed both to his rise to fame and to his tragic early death.Arranged chronologically, Writings contains more than 170 letters, speeches, essays, reports, and memoranda written between 1769 and 1804. Included are all 51 of Hamilton's contributions to The Federalist, as well as subsequent writing calling for a broad construction of federal power under the Constitution; his famous speech to the Constitutional Convention, which gave rise to accusations that he favored monarchy; early writings supporting the Revolutionary cause and a stronger central government; his visionary reports as Treasury secretary on the public credit, a national bank, and the encouragement of American manufactures; a detailed confession of adultery made by Hamilton in order to defend himself against charges of official misconduct; and his self-destructive attack on John Adams during the 1800 campaign. An extensive selection of private letters illuminates Hamilton's complex relationship with George Washington, his deep affection for his wife andchildren, his mounting fears during the 1790s regarding the Jeffersonian opposition and the French Revolution, and his profound distrust of Aaron Burr. Included in an appendix are conflicting eyewitness accounts of the Hamilton-Burr duel.

    To read this book is to revisit many of the greatest moments of late 20th-century American politics: its most colorful characters, its grandest triumphs, its most bitter ideological wars and crises.

    In a sweeping new synthesis, Mead uncovers four distinct historical patterns in foreign policy, each exemplified by a towering figure from our past.Wilsonians are moral missionaries, making the world safe for democracy by creating international watchdogs like the U.N. Hamiltonians likewise support international engagement, but their goal is to open foreign markets and expand the economy. Populist Jacksonians support a strong military, one that should be used rarely, but then with overwhelming force to bring the enemy to its knees. Jeffersonians, concerned primarily with liberty at home, are suspicious of both big military and large-scale international projects.A striking new vision of America's place in the world, Special Providence transcends stale debates about realists vs. idealists and hawks vs. doves to provide a revolutionary, nuanced, historically-grounded view of American foreign policy.

    For the first time ever, ORWELL AND POLITICS brings this major work together with the author's other works exploring the nature of politics and the Second World War.

    Passionate, accessible and opinionated, these reflections from some of India's best minds will help to make better sense of the public debate on these issues while, hopefully, provoking us to respond to the challenges they present. In this essay, Mukul Kesavan argues that secularism is and always has been the political common sense of the Republic. The other titles in the series are: Roots of Terrorism by Kanti Bajpai (Publishing Date: October 2002) Language as an Ethic by Vijay Nambisan (Publishing Date: August 2003) The Burden of Democracy by Pratap Bhanu Mehta (Publishing Date: August 2003)

    The tree, for instance, tried to fight the sword, but was defeated. The stone likewise tried to fight the sword, but was defeated. But not the water. "It follows its own road, it wraps itself around the sword and, without doing anything, it arrives at the river that will carry it to the great water where the greatest of gods cure themselves of thirst, those gods that birthed the world, the first ones.""The Story of Questions" relates how two gods, Ik'al and Votan, wander the earth wrapped forever in each other's arms. These two gods are the Ying and the Yang, the yes and the no, the night and the day of the Mayan universe. Antonio says, "When they got here they made themselves one and gave themselves the name of Zapata."Mexican writer Elena Poniatowska and Native American poet Simon Ortiz contribute commentary to explain the significance of the Zapatista Rebellion to the 21st Century. They also discuss the use of folklore and artistic expression to expand our understanding of political thought.Well-known Mexican artists Domitila Dominguez and Antonio Ramirez—co-directors of the Colectivo Callejero in Guadalajara—each illustrated one of the stories. The Colectivo is dedicated to expanding the understanding of revolutionary thought through artistic expression.This beautiful full-colored edition—the successor to The Story of Colors that received international notoriety when the National Endowment for the Arts rescinded funding for its publication—will serve equally well as a coffee table book as well as a serious read for lovers of Latin American literature.

    Weaver, a thinker and writer celebrated for his unsparing diagnoses and realistic remedies for the ills of our age, is known largely through a few of his works that remain in print.This new collection of Weaver’s shorter writings, assembled by Ted J. Smith III, Weaver’s leading biographer, presents many long-out-of-print and never-before-published works that give new range and depth to Weaver’s sweeping thought.Ted J. Smith III was Professor of Mass Communications at Virginia Commonwealth University.

    The History and Culture of Japanese Food provides an in-depth historical view of the origins of the Japanese diet and foodways.

    One of the founding fathers -- along with Guy Debord -- of the Situationist movement, his writings helped trigger the events of May 1968. After the inevitable Situationist split, Vaneigem pursued his own interests, and he has since established a unique place in the world of French political thought. In this new book, he sets out quite literally to create a new declaration of human rights, by updating earlier declarations -- from the French Revolution to the UN declaration in 1948 -- on the grounds that ‘we can no longer make do with the liberties derived from free exchange, while the free circulation of capital is establishing a tyranny that reduces humankind and the earth to a commodity’. By turns playful, poetic and provocative, this is a remarkable book that makes a profoundly serious point about the way in which human rights have been eroded by globalization.

    Women in Haiti have played a large role in changing the balance of political and social power, even as they have endured rampant and devastating state-sponsored violence, including torture, rape, abuse, illegal arrest, disappearance, and assassination.Beverly Bell, an activist and an expert on Haitian social movements, brings together thirty-eight oral histories from a diverse group of Haitian women. The interviewees include, for example, a former prime minister, an illiterate poet, a leading feminist theologian, and a vodou dancer. Defying victim status despite gender- and state-based repression, they tell how Haiti's poor and dispossessed women have fought for their personal and collective survival. The women's powerfully moving accounts of horror and heroism can best be characterized by the Creole word istwa, which means both "story" and "history." They combine theory with case studies concerning resistance, gender, and alternative models of power. Photographs of the women who have lived through Haiti's recent past accompany their words to further personalize the interviews in Walking on Fire.

    In Clausewitz on Strategy, the Boston Consulting Group's Strategy Institute has excerpted those passages most relevant to business strategy from Clausewitz's classic text On War, the most general, applicable, and enduring work of strategy in the modern West and a source of insight into the nature of conflict, whether on the battlefield or in the boardroom. This book offers Clausewitz's framework for self-education--a way to train the reader's thinking. Clausewitz speaks the mind of the executive, revealing logic that those interested in strategic thinking and practice will find invaluable. He presents unique ideas, such as the idea that friction--unexpected interference--is an intrinsic part of strategy. The Boston Consulting Group is one of the world's leading management consulting firms whose clients include many of the world's industry leaders. Tiha von Ghyczy (Charlottesville, VA) has been a faculty member and Director of Business Projects at the Darden School of Business since 1996. While with The Boston Consulting Group, he assumed responsibility for the practice groups in manufacturing/time-based competition and high technology. He has published numerous articles and books on vision and strategy. Bolko von Oetinger (Munich, Germany) is a Senior Vice President of BCG. Christopher Bassford (Washington, DC) is presently a Professor of Strategy at the National War College in Washington, DC, and the author of several books, including Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America, 1815-1945.

    It views privatization of state lands and the increase of domestic and foreign trade as key factors in the rise of a Muslim middle class, which, increasingly aware of its economic interests and communal roots, then attempted to reshape the government to reflect its ideals.

    But as the results of the 2002 elections came in, it became clear that something had indeed changed, as Republicans made down-the-line gains from the statehouses to Capitol Hill.The Republican romp is only one of the topics treated in the 2004 edition of "the bible of American politics." In his introduction to this new edition, Michael Barone describes how and why the nation came to elect Republican majorities in both the House of Representatives and Senate in 2002—and what it will mean for politics and governance. Barone's introduction leads off the completely redesigned Almanac of American Politics 2004, which contains all the information journalists, politicians, academics, and citizens have come to expect from the nation's leading political reference work. With insightful and colorful profiles of every governor and every member of Congress as well as updated narrative profiles filled with economic, social, historical and political background information about all 50 states and 435 House districts, The Almanac of American Politics remains the indispensable guide to the American political scene. The 2004 edition also includes a look at how redistricting will alter American politics over the course of the next decade; photographs of all 535 members of Congress and the 50 governors; and voting records on important legislation, including congressional vote ratings by National Journal and a dozen influential interest groups."Michael Barone is to politics what statistician-writer Bill James is to baseball, a mix of historian, social observer, and numbers cruncher who illuminates his subject with perspective and a touch of irreverence."—Chicago TribuneMore features of the 2004 Almanac:*Updated Census data and richly detailed congressional district maps*2002 election results for each member of Congress*2004 election analysis*Presidential results by state and by congressional district

    Al Smith, a nationally known counselor to Native people suffering from alcohol and drug abuse, wanted only to earn a living. Dave Frohnmayer, the Harvard-trained Attorney General of Oregon, was planning his campaign for governor and tending to his three desperately ill daughters. But a series of miscalculations transformed a routine unemployment dispute into a constitutional confrontation.Before it was over, Frohnmayer and Smith would twice ask the United States Supreme Court to decide whether the First Amendment protects the right of Native Americans and others to seek God with the use of peyote, a form of worship some scholars believe to be more than ten thousand years old. And the Court would finally answer no; it would say, for the first time in the history of the Constitution, that the Bill of Rights provided no protection for obscure and minority religions if the legislature chose not to recognize their needs.The Court's decision produced a fierce backlash from religious leaders and ordinary citizens, culminating in the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (1993), one of the most sweeping civil-rights statutes of the past thirty years. Now that the Court has invalidated the Act, some say it will lead to a constitutional amendment and a radical change in the American law of church and state.In the tradition of A Civil Action and Gideon's Trumpet, Garrett Epps tracks the case from the humblest hearing room to the Supreme Court Chamber, skillfully building the suspense and tension that are so much a part of litigating a great case. Expertly weaving together a fascinating legal narrative with dramatic personal stories, To an Unknown God is a riveting look at how justice works-- and doesn't work-- in America today.

    W. Maitland’s classic includes a note on Maitland by Charles Haskins, and a general account of Maitland’s life and work, “The Historical Spirit Incarnate: Frederic William Maitland,” by Robert Schuyler.A historian’s historian, F. W. Maitland was never to be caught indulging in fanciful speculation about times long past. Rather, he said, “We shall have to think away distinctions which seem to us as clear as the sunshine; we must think ourselves back into a twilight.” To achieve this discipline, Maitland chose his tools of historical analysis with a lawyer’s care. For example, to decipher works of medieval law written in Anglo-French patois, he became “grammarian, orthographer, and phoneticist.”Thus did none other than Lord Acton declare Maitland to be “the ablest historian in England.” In 1875, at only twenty-five years of age, Maitland, in pursuit of a fellowship in Cambridge University, submitted a remarkable work entitled “A Historical Sketch of Liberty and Equality as Ideals of English Political History from the Time of Hobbes to the Time of Coleridge.”F. W. Maitland (1850–1906) was the Downing Professor of the Laws of England at the University of Cambridge and an unparalleled scholar of medieval law.

    The book includes detailed discussions of goodness of fit, indices of predictive efficiency, and standardized logistic regression coefficients, and examples using SAS and SPSS are included. More detailed consideration of grouped as opposed to case-wise data throughout the book Updated discussion of the properties and appropriate use of goodness of fit measures, R-square analogues, and indices of predictive efficiency Discussion of the misuse of odds ratios to represent risk ratios, and of over-dispersion and under-dispersion for grouped data Updated coverage of unordered and ordered polytomous logistic regression models.

    By focusing on the role of the poor in caste, religious and national politics, the author demonstrates how they emerged as a major social factor in South Asia during the interwar period. The empirical material provides compelling insights into what it meant to be poor and how the impoverished dealt with their predicament. In this way, the book contributes to some of the most crucial debates on the nature of subaltern politics and consciousness.

    Tocqueville's ''nation of joiners'' seems to have become a nation of alienated individuals, disinclined to fulfill the obligations of citizenship or the responsibilities of self-government. In response, the critics urge community involvement and renewed education in the civic virtues. But what kind of civic engagement do we want, and what sort of citizenship should we encourage? In Socratic Citizenship, Dana Villa takes issue with those who would reduce citizenship to community involvement or to political participation for its own sake. He argues that we need to place more value on a form of conscientious, moderately alienated citizenship invented by Socrates, one that is critical in orientation and dissident in practice.Taking Plato's Apology of Socrates as his starting point, Villa argues that Socrates was the first to show, in his words and deeds, how moral and intellectual integrity can go hand in hand, and how they can constitute importantly civic--and not just philosophical or moral--virtues. More specifically, Socrates urged that good citizens should value this sort of integrity more highly than such apparent virtues as patriotism, political participation, piety, and unwavering obedience to the law. Yet Socrates' radical redefinition of citizenship has had relatively little influence on Western political thought. Villa considers how the Socratic idea of the thinking citizen is treated by five of the most influential political thinkers of the past two centuries--John Stuart Mill, Friedrich Nietzsche, Max Weber, Hannah Arendt, and Leo Strauss. In doing so, he not only deepens our understanding of these thinkers' work and of modern ideas of citizenship, he also shows how the fragile Socratic idea of citizenship has been lost through a persistent devaluation of independent thought and action in public life.Engaging current debates among political and social theorists, this insightful book shows how we must reconceive the idea of good citizenship if we are to begin to address the shaky fundamentals of civic culture in America today.

    Every time a firearm is used in a high-profile crime, calls for stricter gun regulation—even outright prohibition—are pounded into us by a press that has taken sides. In fact, when it comes to guns, journalists have clearly made up their minds. According to a recent study, television news stories calling for stricter gun laws outnumbered newscasts opposing such laws by a ratio of ten to one. In other words, we are hearing only one side of the story. This is the other side. In The Seven Myths of Gun Control, award-winning journalist and bestselling author Richard Poe cuts through the blizzard of anti-gun propaganda and uncovers the truth about guns, crime, and freedom. He details the seven most common arguments used by gun prohibitionists, debunking each one with a wealth of statistical and legal data gleaned from top experts in the field of guns and gun rights. You will discover that, contrary to myth, the availability of guns leads to less crime, not more; that guns do not pose a special threat to our children; and that the Second Amendment is as vital to the lives and liberty of modern Americans as it was in frontier times. You will also learn how the current drive to further regulate and even outlaw firearms is a point-blank assault not only on truth but on freedom as well. Provocative, accessible, and persuasive, The Seven Myths of Gun Control is a thoughtful and invaluable contribution to the national debate about guns.

    This is especially true for those German theorists who wrote during the half century preceding World War I. However, as Antulio Echevarria argues, although none of those thinkers approached Clausewitz's stature, they were nonetheless theorists of considerable vision. The Kaiser's theorists have long been portrayed as narrow-minded thinkers rigidly attached to an outmoded way of war, little altered since Napoleon's time. According to this view, they ignored or simply failed to understand how industrialization and modernization had transformed the conduct of war. They seemed unaware of how numerous advances in technology and weaponry had so increased the power of the defensive that decisive victory had become virtually impossible. But Echevarria disputes this traditional view and convincingly shows that these theorists-Boguslawski, Goltz, Schlieffen, Hoenig, and their American and European counterparts-were not the architects of outmoded theories. In fact, they duly appreciated the implications of the vast advances in modern weaponry (as well as in transportation and communications) and set about finding solutions that would restore offensive maneuver to the battlefield. Among other things, they underscored the emerging need for synchronizing concentrated firepower with rapid troop movements, as well as the necessity of a decentralized command scheme in order to cope with the greater tempo, lethality, and scope of modern warfare. In effect, they redefined the essential relations among the combined arms of infantry, artillery, and cavalry. Echevarria goes on to suggest that attempts to apply new military theories and doctrine were uneven due to deficiencies in training and an overall lack of interest in theory among younger officers. It is this failure of application, more than the theories themselves, that are responsible for the ruinous slaughter of World War I.

    these are all expressions of 'denial'. Alcoholics who refuse to recognize their condition, people who brush aside suspicions of their partner's infidelity, the wife who doesn't notice that her husband is abusing their daughter - are supposedly 'in denial'. Governments deny their responsibility for atrocities, and plan them to achieve 'maximum deniability'. Truth Commissions try to overcome the suppression and denial of past horrors. Bystander nations deny their responsibility to intervene. Do these phenomena have anything in common? When we deny, are we aware of what we are doing or is this an unconscious defence mechanism to protect us from unwelcome truths? Can there be cultures of denial? How do organizations like Amnesty and Oxfam try to overcome the public's apparent indifference to distant suffering and cruelty? Is denial always so bad - or do we need positive illusions to retain our sanity?States of Denial is the first comprehensive study of both the personal and political ways in which uncomfortable realities are avoided and evaded. It ranges from clinical studies of depression, to media images of suffering, to explanations of the 'passive bystander' and 'compassion fatigue'. The book shows how organized atrocities - the Holocaust and other genocides, torture, and political massacres - are denied by perpetrators and by bystanders, those who stand by and do nothing.

    The book is organized into three major areas: Chinese identities and popular culture (regional identities, anti-politics attitudes, Hong Kong identity); public opinion surveys (the Beijing area, Chinese workers, the Shanghai area); and ideological debates (the new Confucianism, masculinity and Confucianism, why authoritarianism is popular in China, the decline of Chinese official ideology). Here is the first work that reveals just how much, how rapidly, and how dramatically China is changing and why our perceptions of China must keep pace.

    Some famous leaders--Lincoln, de Gaulle, Mandela--illustrate the workings of moral capital in politics, and a study of the American presidency from Kennedy to Clinton shows how the moral capital of the United States has been eroded, with severe consequences for the nation's morale.

    Essays from leading comtemporary political philosophers such as Nozick, Van Parijs and Kymlica are included in this volume.

    From the evolution of peace-keeping, to peacebuilding, humanitarian intervention, war-affected children, international humanitarian law, the International Criminal Court, the economic agendas of conflict, transnational crime, and the emergence of connectivity and a global civil society, the authors offer new insights into the importance of considering these issues as part of a single agenda. Human Security and the New Diplomacy is a case-study of a major Canadian foreign policy initiative and a detailed account of the first phase of the human security agenda. The story of Canada's leading role in promoting a humanitarian approach to international relations, it will be of interest to foreign policy specialists and students alike. Contributors include David Angell, Alan Bones, Michael Bonser, Terry Cormier, Patricia Fortier, Bob Fowler, Elissa Goldberg, Mark Gwozdecky, Sam Hanson, Paul Heinbecker, Eric Hoskins, Don Hubert, David Lee, Dan Livermore, Jennifer Loten, Rob McRae, Valerie Ooterveld, Victor Rakmil, Darryl Robinson, Jill Sinclair, Michael Small, Ross Snyder, Carmen Sorger, and Roman Waschuk.

    These materials do not assume that undergraduates are less able than graduate students to grasp difficult issues, nor do they assume that undergraduates cannot deal with a variety of complex instruments that bear on a particular problem. Rather, Epps focuses on the central problems of international law, assuming no prior legal knowledge except that gained by living in a society organized under a legal system, and encourages students to work through a number of questions and and problems that are presented in a variety of international contexts. The book's coverage is comprehensive including recent materials on sources, treaties, jurisdiction, extradition, the law of the sea, the environment, international entities, human rights, international courts, terrorism and war.

    Kennedy, a lawyer, a children's advocate, and a policymaker. He has devoted his life to the cause of justice and to ending inequality. But in 1996, while serving in the Clinton administration as an expert on welfare policy and children, he found himself in an untenable position. The president signed a new welfare bill that ended a sixty-year federal commitment to poor children, and as justification invoked the words of RFK. For Edelman, Clinton's twisting of Kennedy's vision was deeply cynical, so in a rare gesture that sparked front-page coverage in the New York Times and the Washington Post, he resigned from the administration. The nation, he believed, had been harmed. Drawing on Edelman's vast personal experience with the issues and many of the key figures, SEARCHING FOR AMERICA'S HEART shows that in an age of unprecedented prosperity, Americans have in many respects forsaken their fellow citizens. While we daily break economic records, we have largely given up our vision of social and economic justice, leaving behind a devastatingly large number of poor and near-poor, many of them children. Edelman shines a bright light on these forgotten Americans. Also, based in part on a firsthand look at community efforts across the country, he proposes a bold and practical program for addressing the difficult issues of entrenched poverty. Edelman focuses on novel ways of braiding together national and local civic activism, reinvigorating our commitment to children, and building hope in our most shattered communities. Surveying the American landscape at the beginning a new presidency and a new Congress, SEARCHING FOR AMERICA'S HEART lays the foundation for a newly conceived politics, a vision true to the legacy of Robert F. Kennedy.

    As well as feeling the impact of globalization, Africa has been increasingly subject to external interventions - political, economic and military. Comprising chapters by area specialists, political scientists and anthropologists, the book analyzes the forms of power, authority and governance which have emerged as international influences have grown. It will be of interest to students of comparative politics, sociology and international relations, as well as African studies.

    Over the past decades no body of law within the civil justice system has experienced greater ferment than the law of Torts. This edited collection comprises new scholarship from many of today's most influential contributors to Torts scholarship. Topics include provocative analyses of orginal Tort-type norms; punitive damages; proportional liability; the political-legal dynamics of the Restatement process; landmark modern Torts decisions; the future of collateral source rules relative to various types of insurance; the role of risk information in assignment of seller liability; privity and freedom of contact; the vitality of negligence and duty rules, and optimal rules for vicarious liability. The collection closes with chapters from civil code nation authorities on the European view of causation in toxic harm suits and on collective rights and actions in South America and in Europe.

    But these “laboratories of democracy” constitute perhaps the most creative and successful component of the American political experiment. Like each of the states, Tennessee state government has a distinct history and a political culture that reflects that history.This book places Tennessee’s modern political institutions in the context of the history and personalities that formed them. They pay special attention to the period after 1978, when three governors left a lasting impression on the direction and culture of the state government. Separate chapters examine the legislative, executive, and judicial branches, explaining how and why Tennessee’s political culture differs from other states. The book also explores the ways in which education, health care, corrections, and economic development define much of the government agenda. Additional chapters on the media, political campaigns, and local government provide a backdrop that elucidates more fully how the state government functions.The authors profile many of the personalities who have shaped the state’s political agenda. Among these are longtime Senate Democratic Speaker John Wilder; his close ally, Senate Republican Leader Ben Atchley; House Speaker Jimmy Naifeh, son of a Lebanese immigrant; and Bill Snodgrass, who served as State Comptroller for forty-seven years. The book explains how each of these individuals related to three Tennessee governors, Republicans Lamar Alexander and Don Sundquist and Democrat Ned McWherter, whose administrations presided over the state’s greatest period of growth and prosperity.Illustrated with photographs and tables, and featuring anecdotal sidebars that illuminate key issues, this book will become the standard text on Tennessee state government and politics for years to come.The Authors: William Lyons is a professor of political science at the University of Tennessee and coauthor of such books as American Government: Politics and Political Culture.John M. Scheb II is a professor of political science and director of the Social Science Research Institute at the University of Tennessee and coauthor of American Constitutional Law, among other books. In partnership with Dr. Lyons, he provides campaign consulting for political candidates and applied survey research for businesses and organizations.Billy Stair is director of communication and community outreach at Oak Ridge National Laboratory.  He served for eighteen years in the legislative and executive branches of state government, including eight years as senior policy advisor to the Governor.

    The articles gathered here chart the intellectual history of game theory from its place in the Enlightenment tradition, through the explosion of literature in the late 1970s, to issues of current and emerging debates. This extensively indexed set will be a valuable reference tool to researchers in sociology and politics, as well as economics.

    government for protection and guidance in the 1870s and 80s, the Navajo nation was vigorously involved in defending and expanding the borders of their homelands. This was accomplished not through war nor as a concerted effort, but by an aggressive defensive policy built on individual action that varied with changing circumstances. Many Navajos never made the Long Walk to Bosque Redondo. Instead they eluded capture in northern and western hinterlands and thereby pushed out their frontier. This book focuses on the events and activities in one part of the Navajo borderlands-the northern frontier-where between 1860 and 1900 the Navajos were able to secure a large portion of land that is still part of the reservation. This expansion was achieved during a period when most Native Americans were losing their lands.

    The documents are arranged chronologically, and each is preceded by a brief introduction dealing with the author and the immediate context. The book also includes a glossary in which translations of key terms are linked to their Chinese equivalents.

    An investigation of why the wide-ranging efforts to forestall genocidal violence in Rwanda in 1994 failed so miserably.

    Cunningham, Jr., presents The Inaugural Addresses of President Thomas Jefferson, 1801 and 1805. Of all the addresses delivered by presidents of the United States at their inaugurations, few have been as memorable as those given by Thomas Jefferson. In addition to providing the texts of President Jefferson's first and second presidential inaugural addresses, delivered on March 4, 1801, and March 4, 1805, this volume explores their dissemination and impact worldwide.While President Jefferson's addresses are well known, the extent to which they were published and distributed, and the responses to them by both individuals and governments, has not previously been considered. In a world where the new republican government of the United States represented a major departure from the dominant monarchical governments of Europe, the recognition given to Jefferson's inaugural addresses in Europe and elsewhere is of considerable significance. His addresses were widely published in newspapers and journals not only in the United States and Canada, but also in Great Britain, France, Italy, and other European states, as well as later republished in South America.The Inaugural Addresses of President Thomas Jefferson, 1801 and 1805 provides evidence of the massive extent to which Jefferson's addresses have been translated and reprinted, attesting to his international stature as an early spokesman for democratic principles.

    DeCamp professor of bioethics, Princeton University “Peter Brown has given us a structure that unites an economics of stewardship with a politics of trusteeship, based on an ethics of rights and corresponding duties. Highly recommended!”—Herman E. Daly, University of Maryland In this important book Peter G. Brown seeks to chart a new future for all who share this planet. Through a series of careful arguments, he identifies three challenges ahead of us: first, to come up with an adequate account of our minimal obligations to each other, and to the rest of the natural order; second, to redefine and reshape the institutions of economics, government, and civil society to reflect these obligations; and third, to reconceptualize and redirect the relations between nations to foster these institutions and discharge these obligations. Brown also argues that we have direct moral obligations to non-humans—this he calls “respect for the commonwealth of life.” Peter G. Brown is a professor at McGill University and director of the McGill School of Environment in Montreal. He is the author of Restoring the Public Trust: A Fresh Vision for Progressive Government in America.

    With their diverse religions and ethnic communities, the Southeast Asian countries of Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia have grappled with this problem since achieving independence after World War II. Each country has on occasion been torn by violence over the proper terms for accommodating pluralism. Until the Asian economic crisis of 1997, however, these nations also enjoyed one of the most sustained economic expansions the non-Western world has ever seen.This timely volume brings together fifteen leading specialists of the region to consider the impact of two generations of nation-building and market-making on pluralism and citizenship in these deeply divided Asian societies. Examining the new face of pluralism from the perspective of markets, politics, gender, and religion, the studies show that each country has developed a strikingly different response to the challenges of citizenship and diversity. The contributors, most of whom come Southeast Asia, pay particular attention to the tension between state and societal approaches to citizenship. They suggest that the achievement of an effectively participatory public sphere in these countries will depend not only on the presence of an independent civil society, but on a synergy of state and society that nurtures a public culture capable of mediating ethnic, religious, and gender divides.The Politics of Multiculturalism will be of special interest to students of Southeast Asian history and society, anthropologists grappling with questions of citizenship and culture, political scientists studying democracy across cultures, and all readers concerned with the prospects for civility and tolerance in a multicultural world.

    Mathewes argues that the Augustinian tradition offers us a powerful, though commonly misconstrued, proposal for understanding and responding to evil's challenges. The book casts new light on Augustine, Niebuhr, and Arendt, as well as on the problem of evil, the nature of tradition, and the role of theological and ethical discourse in contemporary thought.

    But the road to success for social movements is often complex, usually lasting many years, with few guides for evaluating the precise stage of a movement's evolution to determine the best way forward.Doing Democracy provides both a theory and working model for understanding and analyzing social movements, ensuring that they are successful in the long term. Beginning with an overview of social movement theory and the MAP (Movement Action Plan) model, Doing Democracy outlines the eight stages of social movements, the four roles of activists, and case studies from the civil rights, anti-nuclear energy, Central America, gay/lesbian, women's health, and globalization movements.Bill Moyer is the originator of the MAP Model; he and his coauthors combine several decades of movement experience.

    In this comprehensive volume, Frank Moya Pons explores the history, context, and consequences of the major changes that marked the Caribbean between Columbus' initial landing and the Great Depression. He investigates indigenous commercial ventures and institutions, the rise of the plantation economy in the 16th century, and the impact of slavery. He discusses the slave revolts and struggles for independence, seen by European landowners not as a matter of human or political rights but as an expensive interruption to their profit flow. History of the Caribbean traces the fate of a group of small islands whose natural resources transformed them first into some of the wealthiest places on earth and then into some of the poorest. This book intertwines the socioeconomics of the Caribbean with Atlantic history in a captivating narrative that will fascinate a general audience and provide new insights for specialists.

    Over the coming decades the United States is demonstrably on a path of increasing social conflict, accentuated class and racial inequalities, and likely social chaos and collapse. The social and economic contradictions of U.S. capitalism, racism, sexism, and homophobia are clear to those who will look closely now. Yet, these social oppressions and inequalities are rationalized by leading politicians, media commentators, and intellectuals, often with open attacks on the principles of equality that theoretically underlie U.S. institutions. This state of affairs need not be a cause for extreme pessimism, for progressive change remains possible, as people's movements have long shown. The United States and the world can become better places, socially and economically, for all people. Change has been brought about by citizen action in the past, and it can be brought about in the future. Joe Feagin and Hernan Vera argue that citizen action can be assisted by what they call "liberation sociology"--a tool to dramatically increase democratic participation in the production and implementation of knowledge and the creation of better human societies. Liberation sociology takes the perspective of those seeking liberation from oppressive conditions--the majority of the world's people. Its aim is to assist those struggling to eliminate all forms of human oppression. The book offers both a theoretical analysis and case studies of liberation social science as reflected in actual practice and explains that the same sociological methods that are used to defend oppression can be used instead to liberate human beings.

    But, as Hugh Graham argues in this fascinating book, these concepts have always distorted and limited the way we think about politics and ourselves -- and this is true today more than ever. Socialism versus capitalism, collectivism versus individualism, government programs versus the free market: all these oppositions add up to obsolete and constricting worldview. Could it be that left and right are religious ideas derived from sacred and profane heaven and hell? Graham explores the past, present, and future of left and right, focusing on the French Revolution and taking readers through the Industrial Revolution, communism and fascism, past the Cold War, and into our current puzzling state of affairs. And Graham offers powerful hope for a more mature, nuanced sense of community and individuality. It is time, Graham says, to deconstruct our obsolete idea of "left" and "right" and create a new, less polarized politics, a politics of streets and people rather than of heaven and hell.

    The book brings together a range of diverse - but similar - critical perspectives that draw from the work of Antonio Gramsci to provide an alternative to established neo-functionalist and intergovernmentalist approaches. It is argued that these critical perspectives can more adequately analyze various aspects of European integration within the recent context of globalization.

    Jens Bartelson examines the history of the concept, and argues that the state has largely been taken for granted as the embodiment of authority, rather than analyzed itself. He sees the state as a historically limited phenomenon, and argues that this explains the way political scientists have framed the subject they study. This book will appeal to political and social theorists, as well as philosophers of social science.

    Combining synopses of both intellectual developments and empirical research, he suggests that viable theories must transcend current intellectual fashion, bringing together theory and practice while demonstrating the difficulty of assessing competing theories.