Newton, in a dazzling graphic packageEloquently tracing the birth of a revolutionary, Huey P. Newton's famous and oft-quoted autobiography is as much a manifesto as a portrait of the inner circle of America's Black Panther Party. From Newton's impoverished childhood on the streets of Oakland to his adolescence and struggles with the system, from his role in the Black Panthers to his solitary confinement in the Alameda County Jail, Revolutionary Suicide is smart, unrepentant, and thought-provoking in its portrayal of inspired radicalism.

    Solzhenitsyn reveals the entire apparatus of Soviet repression—the state within the state that ruled all-powerfully. Through truly Shakespearean portraits of its victims—men, women, and children—we encounter secret police operations, labor camps and prisons; the uprooting or extermination of whole populations, the welcome that awaited Russian soldiers who had been German prisoners of war. Yet we also witness the astounding moral courage of the incorruptible, who, defenseless, endured great brutality and degradation. The Gulag Archipelago 1918–1956—a grisly indictment of a regime, fashioned here into a veritable literary miracle—has now been updated with a new introduction that includes the fall of the Soviet Union and Solzhenitsyn's move back to Russia.

    Volume 1 of the gripping epic masterpiece, Solzhenitsyn's chilling report of his arrest and interrogation, which exposed to the world the vast bureaucracy of secret police that haunted Soviet society

    Rothbard begins with a quick overview of its historical roots, and then goes on to define libertarianism as resting "upon one single axiom: that no man or group of men shall aggress upon the person or property of anyone else." He writes a withering critique of the chief violator of liberty: the State. Rothbard then provides penetrating libertarian solutions for many of today's most pressing problems, including poverty, war, threats to civil liberties, the education crisis, and more.

    Thompson wrote for Rolling Stone magazine while covering the 1972 election campaign of President Richard M. Nixon and his unsuccessful opponent, Senator George S. McGovern. Hunter focuses largely on the Democratic Party's primaries and the breakdown of the national party as it splits between the different candidates.With drug-addled alacrity and incisive wit, Thompson turned his jaundiced eye and gonzo heart to the repellent and seductive race for president, deconstructed the campaigns, and ended up with a political vision that is eerily prophetic

    Schumacher's riveting, richly researched statement on sustainability has become more relevant and vital with each year since its initial groundbreaking publication during the 1973 energy crisis. A landmark statement against "bigger is better" industrialism, Schumacher's Small Is Beautiful paved the way for twenty-first century books on environmentalism and economics, like Jeffrey Sachs's The End of Poverty, Paul Hawken's Natural Capitalism, Mohammad Yunis's Banker to the Poor, and Bill McKibben's Deep Economy. This timely reissue offers a crucial message for the modern world struggling to balance economic growth with the human costs of globalization.

    A. Hayek's comprehensive three-part study of the relations between law and liberty. Rules and Order constructs the framework necessary for a critical analysis of prevailing theories of justice and of the conditions which a constitution securing personal liberty would have to satisfy.

    David Friedman's standpoint, known as 'anarcho-capitalism', has attracted a growing following as a desirable social ideal since the first edition of The Machinery of Freedom appeared in 1971. This new edition is thoroughly revised and includes much new material, exploring fresh applications of the author's libertarian principles. Among topics covered: how the U.S. would benefit from unrestricted immigration; why prohibition of drugs is inconsistent with a free society; why the welfare state mainly takes from the poor to help the not-so-poor; how police protection, law courts, and new laws could all be provided privately; what life was really like under the anarchist legal system of medieval Iceland; why non-intervention is the best foreign policy; why no simple moral rules can generate acceptable social policies -- and why these policies must be derived in part from the new discipline of economic analysis of law.

    This collection of his articles, speeches, letters from underground, and the transcripts from his trials, vividly demonstrate the charisma and determination of a towering figure in the struggle for racial equality in South Africa. Now in a new edition, No Easy Walk to Freedom is both a vital historical document, and a chronicle of the life and thoughts of one of the greatest campaigners for freedom the world has known.

    Flying fleshpots. Lack of sleep. Endless spin. Lying pols.Just a few of the snares lying in wait for the reporters who covered the 1972 presidential election. Traveling with the press pack from the June primaries to the big night in November, Rolling Stone reporter Timothy Crouse hopscotched the country with both the Nixon and McGovern campaigns and witnessed the birth of modern campaign journalism. The Boys on the Bus is the raucous story of how American news got to be what it is today. With its verve, wit, and psychological acumen, it is a classic of American reporting.

    Harry Jaffa provides the definitive analysis of the political principles that guided Lincoln from his re-entry into politics in 1854 through his Senate campaign against Douglas in 1858."Crisis of the House Divided has shaped the thought of a generation of Abraham Lincoln and Civil War scholars."—Mark E. Needly, Jr., Civil War History"An important book about one of the great episodes in the history of the sectional controversy. It breaks new ground and opens a new view of Lincoln's significance as a political thinker."—T. Harry Williams, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences"A searching and provocative analysis of the issues confronted and the ideas expounded in the great debates. . . . A book which displays such learning and insight that it cannot fail to excite the admiration even of scholars who disagree with its major arguments and conclusions."—D. E. Fehrenbacher, American Historical Review

    40 years after the publication of How I Found Freedom in an Unfree World, it is now being reissued in digital format -- to reach the millions of people around the world that are still seeking a point of view that is as refreshing, and liberating as it was when it first appeared on the scene.From the book:Freedom is the opportunity to live your life as you want to live it. And that is possible, even if others remain as they are.If you’re not free now, it might be because you’ve been preoccupied with the people or institutions that you feel have restrained your freedom. I don’t expect you to stop worrying about them merely because I suggest that you do.I do hope to show you, though, that those people and institutions are relatively powerless to stop you — once you decide how you will achieve your freedom. There are things you can do to be free, and if you turn your attention to those things, no one will stand in your way. But when you become preoccupied with those who are blocking you, you overlook the many alternatives you could use to bypass them.The freedom you seek is already available to you, but it has gone unnoticed. There probably are two basic reasons you haven’t taken advantage of that freedom.One reason is that you’re unaware of the many alternatives available to you.

    Under his leadership, the PAIGC liberated three-quarters of the countryside of Guinea in less than ten years of revolutionary struggle. Cabral distinguished himself among modern revolutionaries by the long and careful preparation, both theoretical and practical, which he undertook before launching the revolutionary struggle, and, in the course of the preparation, became one of the world's outstanding theoreticians of anti-imperialist struggle. This volume contains some of the principal speeches Cabral delivered in his last years during visits to the United States. The first is his speech to the fourth Commission of the United Nations General Assembly on October 16, 1972, on "Questions of Territories Under Portuguese Administration." His brilliant speeches on "National Liberation and Culture" (1970) and "Identity and Dignity in the Context of the National Liberation Struggle" (1972) follow.

    "The most obvious moral of this book is that violence always breeds more violence. The Nazis subjected the Jews to violence. The Jews treated the Palestinians with violence. The Palestinians see violence as the only means of recovering their country and their freedom. At the age of twenty, Leila Khaled wrote, "armed struggle is the way of salvation"....Yet this determined young woman did not call on her comrades to exterminate the Israelis or to drive them into the sea. When victory is won, she says, we will establish a democratic state in Palestine with Jews and native Palestinians on equal terms. The author's descriptions of her hijacking exploits are vividly written and exciting. We do not often have the opportunity to hear an account of such incidents written by the hijacker rather than by the victims.

    Even the power of dictators can be destroyed by withdrawal of necessary sources of cooperation. With an introduction to the technique of nonviolent action, its characteristics, history and achievements.

    This classic biography carefully traces Bukharin's rise to and fall from power, focusing particularly on the development of his theories and programmatic ideas during the critical period between Lenin's death in 1924 and the ascendancy of Stalin in 1929.

    Although there is a vast literature on the Spanish Civil War, this is the first book in English that is devoted to the experiments in workers’ self-management, both urban and rural, which constituted one of the most remarkable social revolutions in modern history. - Paul AvrichThe eyewitness reports and commentary presented in this highly important study reveal a different understanding of the nature of socialism and the means for achieving it. - Noam ChomskyTable of ContentsIntroduction, by Murray BookchinPart One: Background1. The Spanish RevolutionThe Two RevolutionsThe Trend Towards Workers’ Self-Management2. The Libertarian TraditionThe Rural Collectivist TraditionThe Anarchist InfluenceThe Political and Economic Organization of Society3. Historical NotesThe Prologue to RevolutionThe Counter-Revolution and the Destruction of the Collectives4. The Limitations of the RevolutionPart Two: The Social Revolution5. The Economics of RevolutionEconomic Structure and CoordinationA Note on the Difficult Problems of ReconstructionMoney and Exchange6. Workers’ Self-Management in Industry7. Urban CollectivizationCollectivization in CataloniaThe Collectivization of the Metal and Munitions IndustryThe Collectivization of the Optical IndustryThe Socialization of Health ServicesIndustrial Collectivization in AlcoyControl of Industries in the North8. The Revolution of the Land9. The Coordination of CollectivesThe Peasant Federation of LevantThe Aragon Federation of Collectives: The First Congress10. The Rural CollectivesA Journey Through AragonThe Collectivization in GrausLibertarian Communism in AlcoraThe Collective in BinefarMiralcampo and AzuquecaCollectivization in CarcagenteCollectivization in Magdalena de PulpisThe Collective in Mas de Las Matas11. An Evaluation of the Anarchist CollectivesThe Characteristics of the Libertarian CollectivesConclusionBibliographyIndexAppendixPhotographs and Posters

    Anthony Lukas’s account of the Watergate story to date. Six months later, a second installment ran in another full issue. Later the Times asked him to write a third issue, on the impeachment, which never appeared because of Nixon’s intervening resignation. But all of Lukas’s painstaking reporting on Nixon’s last months in office appears here, along with added information on every aspect of Watergate.Widely acclaimed as a major text of the Watergate saga, J. Anthony Lukas’s Nightmare is a masterwork of investigation, highlighted by in-depth character sketches of the key players. For students of history coming to these events for the first time, this book reveals in depth the particular trauma of a nation in turmoil; for those who remember, the upheaval and what was at stake are once more brought to life.

    It represents, in fact, the only systematic attempt so far ever made to combine the general theory of the “laws of motion” of the capitalist mode of production developed by Marx, with the concrete history of capitalism in the twentieth century.Mandel’s book starts with a challenging discussion of the appropriate methods for studying the capitalist economies. He seeks to show why the classical approaches of Luxemburg, Bukharin, Bauer and Grossman failed to accomplish the further development of Marxist theory whose urgency became evident after Marx’s death. He then sketches the structure of the world market and the variant types of surplus-profit that have characterized its successive stages. On these foundations, Late Capitalism proceeds to advance an extremely bold schema of the “long waves” of expansion and contraction in the history of capitalism, from the Napoleonic Wars to the present. Mandel criticizes and refines Kondratieff’s famous use of the notion.Mandel’s book surveys in turn the main economic characteristics of late capitalism as it has emerged in the contemporary period. The last expansionary long wave, it argues, started with the victory of fascism on the European continent and the advent of the war economies in the US and UK during the 1940s, and produced the record world boom of 1947-72. Mandel discusses the reasons why the dynamic upswing of growth in this period was bound to reach its limits at the turn of the 1970s, and why a long wave of economic stagnation and intensified class struggle has set in today.Late Capitalism is a landmark in Marxist economic literature. Specifically designed to explain the international recession of the 1970s, it is a central guide to understanding the nature of the world economic crisis today.

    With a reply by the pragmatist philosopher John Dewey and a Marxist answer to Dewey by George Novack.

    

    

    More than fifteen years after his death, this collection of his work from I.F. Stone's Weekly and elsewhere is astonishing in its relevance to our age, addressing the clash between national security and individual liberty, the protection of minorities, economic fairness, social justice, and the American military abroad. The core of Stone's genius was his newsletter, I.F. Stone's Weekly, published from the mid-1950s to the early 1970s. His meticulous dissection of the news was unsurpassed, a direct descendent of the great pamphleteers like Thomas Paine, and a forerunner to the best of today's political blogs. Stone's brilliant, investigative reporting; his wonderful, impassioned style; and his commitment to his values all make this collection an inspiration, and a revelation.

    Written by a leader of the communist movement in the U.S. and organizer of the Teamsters union during the rise of the CIO. Indispensable tools for advancing revolutionary politics, organization, and trade union strategy.The growth and consolidation of the Teamsters union in Minneapolis and its class-struggle leadership, and the 11-state over-the-road organizing campaign that brought union power for the first time to many areas of the Midwest.

    Capitalist production, not government programs, has been the real conqueror of poverty.

    In these brand-new editions of Marx’s Political Writings we are able to see the depth and range of his mature work from 1848 through to the end of his life, from The Communist Manifesto to The Class Struggles in France and The Critique of the Gotha Programme. Each book has a new introduction from a major contemporary thinker, to shed new light on these vital texts.Volume 1: The Revolutions of 1848: Marx and Engels had sketched out the principles of scientific communism by 1846. Yet it was from his intense involvement in the abortive German Revolution of 1848 that Marx developed a depth of practical understanding he would draw on in Capital and throughout his later career. This volume includes his great call to arms—The Communist Manifesto—but also shows how tactical alliances with the bourgeoisie failed, after which Marx became firmly committed to independent workers’ organizations and the ideal of “permanent revolution.” The articles offer trenchant analyses of events in France, Poland, Prague, Berlin and Vienna, while speeches set out changing communist tactics. In a new introduction the major socialist feminist writer Sheila Rowbotham examines this period of Marx’s life and how it shaped his political perspective.Volume 2: Surveys from Exile: In the 1850s and early 1860s Marx played an active part in politics, and his prolific journalism from London offered a constant commentary on all the main developments of the day. During this time Marx began to interpret the British political scene and express his considered views on Germany, Poland and Russia, the Crimean War and American Civil War, imperialism in India and China, and a host of other key issues. The Class Struggles in France develops the theories outlined in The Communist Manifesto into a rich and revealing analysis of contemporary events, while The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte contains equally stimulating reflections on Napoleon III’s coup d’etat of 1851. In a new introduction activist and writer Tariq Ali examines the texts that have become essential works in Marx’s canon.Volume 3: The First International and After: The crucial texts of Marx’s later years—notably The Civil War in France and Critique of the Gotha Programme—count among his most important work. These articles include a searching analysis of the tragic but inspiring failure of the Paris Commune, as well as essays on German unification, the Irish question, the Polish national movement and the possibility of revolution in Russia. The founding documents of the First international and polemical pieces attacking the disciples of Proudhon and Bakunin and the advocates of reformism, by contrast, reveal a tactical mastery that has influenced revolutionary movements ever since. In a new introduction the renowned Marxist David Harvey sheds light on the evolution of Marx’s notions of democracy and politics.

    

    His early activism in the Scottish labor movement; his pioneering socialism in Ireland; his involvement in the American Labor movement; his activity as a union organizer back in Ireland; his revolutionary stand against WWI; & his ultimately fatal leadership of the 1916 uprising for Irish independence, all point to a crucial figure in the development of the workers' movement during one of its most intriguing phases. A tireless political worker & a prolific writer, Connolly's thinking on nationalism & imperialism had an influence on Lenin. He's regarded by many as one of the founders of 20th-century Irish nationalism. This book of his writings draws together some of his most representative work.

    This volume of essays ranges over critical themes that define Strauss's thought: the tension between reason and revelation in the Western tradition, the philsophical roots of liberal democracy, and especially the conflicting yet complementary relationship between ancient and modern liberalism. For those seeking to become acquainted with this provocative thinker, one need look no further.

    

    

    It also posits a solution seemingly incomprehensible to many, it examines what the indigenous people really want.

    Drawing on his philosophical works, political tracts & personal correspondence it shows how his concern with social problems influenced his concept of state.PrefacedBeginningsPositivity & freedomThe modernization of GermanyThe new era Modern life & social realityThe owl of Minerva & the critical mindThe political economy of modern society Social classes, representation & pluralismThe state: the consciousness of freedomWarThe English Reform Bill: the social problem againHistory: the progress towards the consciousness of freedomEpilogueBibliographyIndex

    Originally delivered as a series of lectures in Trinidad in 1960, James expounds on the relevance of Marxism, and revolution, for our times, from Charlie Chaplin to the Workers' Councils.

    Originally published: Hanoi: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1973.

    

    Galbraith advocates a "new socialism" as the solution, nationalising military production & public services such as health care. He also advocates introducing disciplined wage, salary, profit & price controls on the economy to reduce inequality & restrain the power of giant corporations. Socialisation of the "unduly weak industries & unduly strong ones" together with planning for the remainder would allow the public interest to be accorded its rightful preference over private interests. He adds that this can only be achieved when there is a new belief system that rejects the orthodoxy of economics in the past. The new socialism needs to be achieved thru gradual democratic political change.

    

    

    PrefaceNo Wider WarMississippi & BerkeleyThe Way the Game Is PlayedThe Appeal to ReasonInto the StreetsDeadlockVoting on the WarBlack PowerFrom Protest to ResistanceBreakdownThe Fall OffensiveYou Can't Beat Somebody with NobodyThe Defeat of Lyndon JohnsonEpilogueNotesIndex

    He discusses Washington's failure to achieve its goals in the Korean War, why the rulers reined in McCarthyism, and how class-conscious workers under these conditions carried out effective union work and political activity to build a communist workers party.

    

    Symbolic Economies makes available for the first time in English generous selections from Goux's Freud, Marx: Economie et symbolique (1973) and Les iconoclastes (1978). Goux brings the theories of historical materialism and of psychoanalysis into play to illuminate and enrich each other, and undertakes a compelling integration of the contributions of structuralism and post-structuralism. Looking closely at the work of such major figures as Lacan, Derrida, and Nietzsche, Goux extends the implications of Marxism and Freudianism to an interdisciplinary semiotics of value and proposes a radical concept of exchange. Literary theorists, philosophers, social scientists, cultural historians, and feminist critics alike will welcome this important and provocative work.

    

    

    Truman, features memorable quotations, quips, and comments by one of our most outspoken presidents. Quotations are arranged alphabetically by subject, with a brief year-by-year history of Truman's life, and the best things said about him during his presidency. Memorable sayings popularized by Harry S. Truman include: "Do what you think is right and let them all go to hell, " "It's a recession when your neighbor loses his job; it's a depression when you lose your own, " and "The buck stops here" (the sign on Truman's desk at the White House). This is the perfect book for quotation fans, history students, and anyone who experienced the Truman presidency firsthand, as well as an ideal introduction for young people to one of America's greatest presidents.

    Book by Hart, Gary

    (LARGE PRINT EDITION) This book is a facsimile reprint and may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages.

    

    

    Shows how polling results are often misused, and develops many unconventional conclusions.

    

    in the late 1960s and early 1970s, but its relevance to other countries of the period and also in today's global economy is evident. When government expenditure constitutes a larger and larger share of total economy theorists who ignore the impact of the state budget do so at their own (and capitalism's) peril. This volume examines how changes in tax rates and tax structure used to regulate private economic activity. O'Connor theorizes that particular expenditures and programs and the budget as a whole can be understood only in terms of power relationships within the private economy. O'Connor's analysis includes an anatomy of American state capitalism, political power and budgetary control in the United States, social capital expenditures, social expenses of production, financing the budget, and the scope and limits of reform. He shows that the simultaneous growth of monopoly power and the state itself generate an increasingly severe social crisis. State monopolies indirectly determine the state budget by generating needs that the state must satisfy. The state administration organizes production as a result of a series of political decisions. Over time, there is a tendency for what O'Connor calls the social expenses of production to rise, and the state is increasingly compelled to socialize these expenses. The state has three ways to finance increased budgetary outlays: create state enterprises that produce social expenditures; issue debt and borrowing against further tax revenues; raise tax rates and introduce new taxes. None of these mechanisms are satisfactory. Neither the development of state enterprise nor the growth of state debt liberates the state from fiscal concerns. Similarly, tax finance is a form of economic exploitation and thus a problem for class analysis. O'Connor contends that the fiscal crisis of the capitalist state is the inevitable consequence of the structural gap between state expenditures and revenues. The state's only way to ameliorate the fiscal crisis is to accelerate the growth of the social-industrial complex. In his new introduction, O'Connor describes The Fiscal Crisis of the State as the product of a unique combination of personal, intellectual, and political experiencesa. He goes on to explain the origins of his theory and the consequences of The Fiscal Crisis of the State. He answers the question is there a fiscal crisis today? and discusses changes in fiscal policy since the '60s and '70s.

    The basic ideas of socialism, explained in testimony during the frame-up trial of 18 leaders of the Minneapolis Teamsters union and the Socialist Workers Party charged with sedition during World War II.

    A candid examination of American prison practices is based on the author's extensive research and workshop experiences as an inmate.

    Churchill even chose him to fight the German blitz throughout the war...but later, he ended his career overwhelmed by problems and seemingly inexplicable failures as Foreign Secretary. An inspiring biography, with a new author's preface and foreword by Morrison's grandson, Peter Mandelson.

    The basic philosophical thought of Marx, Engels and Lenin gathered together in the categories customary to Western philosophy.

    This collection includes a hundred songs of the people, as they have been sung at one time or another on the workers' long road toward freedom and justice, together with the stories of the genuine situations from which they sprang.They are straight trade union songs and ditties; specific songs of miners, textile workers, steel, and railway workers and farmers; typical working songs of sailors, canalers, lumberjacks, and cowboys; songs of the hardships that working men and women have to face during times of depression; philosophic songs and ironic comments on the economic system; songs that grew out of the fight against slavery; and songs expressing the dreams of people of many lands throughout the ages. Often set to tunes of familiar folk songs, popular songs, and gospel hymns, these are the songs by which unions organized and which the members of each labor group sang out. They are songs sung to words by itinerant wanderers, unlettered farmers, and factory hands; songs by Joe Hill, Ralph Chaplin, Joe Glazer, Merle Traive, Woody Guthrie, the Almanac Singers; songs by famous poets such as Burns and Blake. Most of the songs are American in origin. A few, drawn from England, Scotland, Ireland, France, Germany, Israel, and the Philippines, remind us that the fight for freedom knows no boundaries. The songs are presented with simple piano accompaniments and guitar chords to encourage their use in group singing.The songs of work and the songs of protest are, in a very important sense, the songs of the New World, capturing the stirring sounds and deep emotions of people over hundreds of years on the march to build a better world. Whether you are looking for material for singing or whether you are looking for material on the struggles of the labor movement, there will be much in this important collection for song and for thought.

    

    

    It offers a critique of the liberal tradition and a new social philosophy for the future based on the long-cherished ideal of the past: fraternity, a relation of affection founded on shared values and goals.This is a study of the idea of fraternity both as philosophic abstraction and as social-psychological reality in the American historical experience. In one sense, it is a long and sustained reflection on the American political tradition, with side glances at other cultures and other traditions; in another sense, it is an impressive beginning at an original and quite comprehensive theory of politics, rooted in a new reading of virtually every conceivable relevant source.Fraternity is a permanent social and psychological necessity of human development, yet one that is discouraged and inhibited by the institutions and processes of modern industrial societies.In American, two cultural traditions, the formal and intellectual 'liberal tradition' deriving from the Enlightenment and the religious tradition rooted in habit and custom, appeal to the symbol of 'fraternity'. The religious tradition sees fraternity as an ethic in intra-personal relations which is essentially a means to the goal of human excellence. The 'liberal tradition', by contrast, conceives fraternity as an end, the chief characteristic of an ideal society to be reached by historical progress.Despite these radically different conceptions, the fact that the liberal tradition promised fraternity at the end of historical 'progress' enabled many Americans to escape from the ambivalence deriving from the widely divergent ethics of their two cultures and to accept modern institutions censured by the religious tradition on the assumption that these would work to produce fraternity."This is an astonishing book -- in terms of scholarship, of insight, of breadth of vision. It is bound to become a major point of reference for any informed discussion of political ideas and political reality in America.…Anyone concerned with the future of democracy will be profoundly stimulated by this truly remarkable book." -- Peter Berger