Fanon uses the fifth year of the Algerian Revolution as a point of departure for an explication of the inevitable dynamics of colonial oppression.

    It begins with Senate confirmation hearings for a liberal Secretary of State and concludes two weeks later, after debate and controversy have exploded this issue into a major crisis."I can recall no other novel in which there is so well presented a president's dilemma when his awful responsibility for the nation's interest conflicts with a personal code of good morals." (The New York Times)

    In every field of human endeavor, the windstorms of change are fast altering the ways we live. Contemporary man is no longer anchored in certainties and thus has lost sight of who he is, where he comes from and where he is going. If there is a single book that can shed light amid the postmodern darkness, this is it.

    one of the most distinguished interpreters to Americans of the non-liberal streams of European thought,-- American Political Science Review

    And so Chodorov set out to do something implausible: to rework the Nock book in his own style.Rothbard wrote of this book: "Frank's final flowering was his last ideological testament, the brilliantly written The Rise and Fall of Society, published in 1959, at the age of 72."One reason it was overlooked is that it appeared after the takeover of the American right by statists and warmongers. The Old Right, of which Chodorov was a last survivor, had died out, so there was no one to promote this work. It is amazing that it was published at all. But thank goodness it was!The book is short (194 pages) but pithy and enormously powerful. Indeed, for a book so overlooked, the reader will be surprised to find that it might be Chodorov's best work overall. Certainly it is suitable for classroom use, or as a primer on economics and society. Insight abounds herein.

    Armenian Kingdom during the reign of Arshak II (Arsaces II)(350-367 AD). A Brilliant story about brave and noble people, based on historical events.

    . . in itself a directedness towards knowledge of the good: of the good life, or of the good society. For the good society is the complete political good. If this directedness becomes explicit, if men make it their explicit goal to acquire knowledge of the good life and of the good society, political philosophy emerges. . . . The theme of political philosophy is mankind's great objectives, freedom and government or empire—objectives which are capable of lifting all men beyond their poor selves. Political philosophy is that branch of philosophy which is closest to political life, to non-philosophic life, to human life."—From "What Is Political Philosophy?" What Is Political Philosophy?—a collection of ten essays and lectures and sixteen book reviews written between 1943 and 1957—contains some of Leo Strauss's most famous writings and some of his most explicit statements of the themes that made him famous. The title essay records Strauss's sole extended articulation of the meaning of political philosophy itself. Other essays discuss the relation of political philosophy to history, give an account of the political philosophy of the non-Christian Middle Ages and of classic European modernity, and present his theory of esoteric writing.

    The struggle for women's voting rights was one of the longest, most successful, and in some respects most radical challenges ever posed to the American system of electoral politics."The book you are about to read tells the story of one of the great social movements in American history. The struggle for women's voting rights was one of the longest, most successful, and in some respects most radical challenges ever posed to the American system of electoral politics... It is difficult to imagine now a time when women were largely removed by custom, practice, and law from the formal political rights and responsibilities that supported and sustained the nation's young democracy... For sheer drama the suffrage movement has few equals in modern American political history."--From the Preface by Ellen Fitzpatrick

    In the last decade, members of Congress have impeached a president, rejected or refused to consider presidential nominees, and appear in the media criticizing the chief executive. Congress does not exactly appear to be at risk of expiring. Regardless of how we perceive Congress today, more than forty years after Congress and the American Tradition was written, Burnham's questions, arguments, and political analysis still have much to tell us about freedom and political order.Burnham originally intended Congress and the American Tradition as a response to liberal critics of Senator McCarthy's investigations of communist influence in the United States. He developed it into a detailed analysis of the history and functioning of Congress, its changing relationship with the Executive Branch, and the danger of despotism, even in a democratic society.The book is organized into three distinct parts. "The American System of Government," analyzes the concept of government, ideology and tradition, power, and the place and function of Congress within the American government. "The Present Position of Congress," explores its law-making power, Congressional commissions, treaties, investigatory power, and proposals for Congressional reform. "The Future of Congress," discusses democracy and liberty, and ultimately asks, "Can Congress Survive?" Michael Henry's new introduction sheds much insight into Burnham's writings and worldview, combining biography and penetrating scholarly analysis. He makes it clear why this work is of continuing importance to political theoreticians, historians, philosophers, and those interested in American government.James Burnham (1905-1987) began his career as a professor of philosophy at New York University. He co-founded, with William F. Buckley, Jr., The National Review. His books include The Managerial Revolution, The Machiavellians: Defenders of Freedom, and Suicide of the West.Michael Henry received his advanced degree in political theory. He has been teaching philosophy at St. John's University in New York since 1977.

    Like a multiple choice test that limits your answers to only the ones provided, society also limits the options available while maintaining the illusion that you are free to choose anything you want.Another part talks of a viewer of modern art. They criticize the work and then add the ultimate insult by saying "I really don't understand modern art at all." It goes on to explore how and why people condemn what they do not understand or what is not common to them.mass-man, culture industry, bourgeois, sophisms, avant-garde, kitsch, abstract art, D. H. Lawrence, Industrial Revolution, peyote, stereophonic, gambler, Simone Weil, Fascist, matriarchy, mescaline, Baudelaire, homosexual, T. S. Eliot, jazzTranslated by Raymond Rosenthal

    

    Herbert Oliver, a Black civil rights leader from Birmingham, Alabama, spent thirteen years rethinking the racial ideologies of his day before writing No Flesh Shall Glory in the late 1950s. In clear, biblical, and unflinching language, he dismantles the dogmas of race superiority, the doctrine of racial solidarity, and the whitewashing of history and Scripture. His book is a gracious challenge to break free from oppressive ways of thinking and to see humanity as God sees us.This new edition of Rev. Oliver's 1959 work includes his paper on the church, social change, identity, and protest, originally delivered as two lectures at Westminster Theological Seminary in 1964.

    In it he addresses problems he sees as stemming from the stereotyping of anarchism in bourgeois literature and media and the unfortunate feedback effect this was having on some militants practice of anarchism and language.

    Lenin's main works on the national question which he wrote between 1913 and 1916, as well as his letter on "The Question of Nationalities or 'Autonomisation'" written at the end of 1922.These works set forth and substantiate the fundamentals of the Leninist national policy—support for the national liberation movements of all the oppressed peoples, implacable struggle against colonialism, the demand for the right to self-determination and for the national independence of each nation, the struggle for complete equality of nations and against all for of national oppression and inequality.

    Edmund Wilson examines the plight, life, history, and culture of the Iroquois in New York State.

    He begins with a fundamental question: how do we decide how much money to spend on research. The more we spend the less we have to spend on other things. The decision is best left to the free market. He shows that science best advances under the free market: the claims to the contrary of the centralizers are spurious.

    

    

    He defends sounds money, free trade, and attacks welfare.Those who have considered this author to be something of a doubter on free markets must deal with this book, which reveals him to be a passionate advocate of laissez-faire.

    He discusses James Mill's influence as the London head of the Indian administration, Macaulay's Benthamite reforms as Law Member, and Fitzjames Stephen's significance in the passage of utilitarianism into imperialism.