With the logic which is the great instrument of French thought, [Ellul] explores and attempts to prove the thesis that propaganda, whether its ends are demonstrably good or bad, is not only destructive to democracy, it is perhaps the most serious threat to humanity operating in the modern world."--Los Angeles Times"The theme of Propaganda is quite simply...that when our new technology encompasses any culture or society, the result is propaganda... Ellul has made many splendid contributions in this book."--Book Week"An exhaustive catalog of horrors. It shows how modern, committed man, surrounded and seized by propaganda, more often than not surrenders himself to it only too willingly, especially in democracies--because he is educated for his rule as dupe. 'The most favorable moment to seize a man and influence him,' Ellul writes, 'is when he is alone in the mass; it is at this point that propaganda can be most effective. This is the situation of the 'lonely crowd,' or of isolation in the mass, which is a natural product of modern-day society, which is both used and deepened by the mass media.' "--Los Angeles Free Press

    Aron's starting point is the state of nature that exists between nations, a condition that differs essentially from the civil state that holds within political communities. Ever keeping this brute fact about the life of nations in mind and ranging widely over political history and many disciplines, Aron develops the essential analytical tools to enable us to think clearly about the stakes and possibilities of international relations.In his first section, "Theory," Aron shows that, while international relations can be mapped, and probabilities discerned, no closed, global "science" of international relations is anything more than a mirage. In the second part, "Sociology," Aron studies the many ways various subpolitical forces influence foreign policy. He emphasizes that no rigorous determinism is at work: politics-and thus the need for prudent statesmanship-are inescapable in international relations. In part three, "History," Aron offers a magisterial survey of the twentieth century. He looks at key developments that have had an impact on foreign policy and the emergence of what he calls "universal history," which brings far-flung peoples into regular contact for the first time. In a final section, "Praxeology," Aron articulates a normative theory of international relations that rejects both the bleak vision of the Machiavellians, who hold that any means are legitimate, and the naivete of the idealists, who think foreign policy can be overcome.This new edition of Peace and War includes an informative introduction by Daniel J. Mahoney and Brian C. Anderson, situating Aron's thought in a new post-Cold War context, and evaluating his contribution to the study of politics and international relations.

    

    Weaver as “a brilliant defense of the primacy of the person” and an effective “indictment of statism and bureaucratism.” Meyer examines the tension between the freedom of the person and the power of social institutions. In his view, both the dominant Liberalism and the “New Conservatism” of the American tradition place undue emphasis on the claims of social order at the expense of the individual person and liberty.Frank S. Meyer (1909–1972) was a senior editor of National Review.William C. Dennis is a Senior Fellow, Atlas Economic Research Foundation, and a consultant in philanthropy.

    This volume is used as an introduction to the study of orignal Weber texts and gives the reader a systematic presentation of Weber's sociological studies.

    Shortly before his death in July 1983, Kahn had all but finished work on a completely new edition of THINKING ABOUT THE UNTHINKABLE __ updated to take account of the political, technical, and moral developments of the past twenty years. In the original book, Mr. Kahn argued that though "nuclear war may seem highly unlikely, indeed unthinkable, to many people __ it is not impossible." Today, four decades into the nuclear area, not thinking about nuclear war is no longer an option. Nuclear weapons exist and cannot be disinvented, writes Mr. Kahn, so it is crucial to maintain a military strong United States, while we make every effort to enhance deterrence. However, for a government to pursue deterrence at any cost, without contingency plans should its efforts fail, is not only irresponsible but immoral. Mr. Kahn supports "no first use," which he began advocating more than twenty years ago; the only justification for maintaining a nuclear arsenal is to deter, balance, or correct the use of nuclear weapons by others. This thoughtful, comprehensive examination of nuclear war is vitally important as the last word on the subject by one of America's most influential thinkers.